Defund the police

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epaulo13

..scroll down to view this piece. no need to download the pdf unless you want to. 

Police Abolition/Black Revolt

quote:

National spending on police operations has increased steadily since the mid-1990s,reaching 15.1 billion in 2017–18 (Coner et al. 2019). A 2013 government reportnoted that the cost of policing nationally has more than doubled since 1997, “out-pacing the increase in spending by all levels of government, with police salaries increasing by 40% since 2000 (whereas most Canadians salaries increased by 11%; Public SafetyCanada 2013). Spending on anti-Black carceralcontrols has gone up, accompanied by a militarization of the practice of policing:the use of SWAT teams increased by 2,000% over the past four decades, “increas-ingly being used by public police for routine activities such as executing warrants, traffic enforcement, community policing and responding to mental health crisesand domestic disturbances” (Walby and Rozier 2018). For Black communities, this militarization has been marked by at times fatal violence: Somali refugee communities have experienced raids in which they were assaulted with battering ramsand flash-bang devices, with elderly Somali women describing being physically brutalized—and in one instance told to “die” in the context of tactical raids (Fox 2013)—in incidents described as racial profiling and elder abuse. Te death of Haitian 47-year-old Bony Jean-Pierre, in Montréal-Nord, shot in the head with arubber bullet during a tactical squad raid in the context of drug enforcement, fur-ther illustrates that state warfare on Black communities is more than a metaphor(CTV Montreal, 2018)

II. Reform, Defund and/or Abolish?

The violence inherent to the practice of policing itself has been continually chal-lenged by Black families, community members, activists and organizers who havestaged—across decades—sit-ins, tent cities, die-ins and a multitude of other tacticsin defence of our lives. The major state response in the wake of Black organizingand uprisings, however, has been not only an ever-increasing budget and an ever-expanding scope of policing, but also a series of police reforms that have served only to uphold the status quo of racial violence and maintain, extend and even expand the scope of the institution. At the municipal level, police forces have implemented“diversity” and “sensitivity” trainings, expanded  the recruitment of female and “visible minority” officers, expanded police foot and bicycle patrols, hired community liaison officers and expanded spaces for police-community dialogue. At the provincial level, one response to ongoing community protest has been the creation of civilian oversight mechanisms like Ontario’s Special Investigations Unit (SIU) and Quebec’s Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes (BEI), tasked with conducting “independent” investigations when the police use lethal force.

From the perspective of protecting Black life, all of these reforms have been abject failures, even as they have succeeded in perpetuating the illusion of legitimacy of benevolence for law enforcement agencies. The local reforms and increases in funding for law enforcement agencies across the country have occurred along side an increase in the number of deaths at the hands of police, which have nearly doubled over the past 20 years (Nicholson and Marcoux, 2018), impacting Black and Indigenous communities most substantially, with broad impacts on Black peoples, especially Black drug users and sex workers, Black homeless and mad peoples.

With no empirical or ethical leg to stand on, calls for more police reforms at this historical juncture are morally untenable: body cameras, racial diversity in hiring and implicit bias are, after all, the conditions that nonetheless allowed for the public execution of George Floyd. This reality is recognized by Black and multiracial communities across North America that are now forwarding calls, not to reform or reimagine, but to defund, demilitarize and dismantle the police—and, along the way, to reduce their scope and reverse their expansion into schooling, mental health response and the wide arena of public and private life that have been so naturalized in recent decades. These calls emerge from generations of struggle against policing, displacement andenvironmental devastation wreaked by the state.

epaulo13

..i've registered for this webinair.

..register here

epaulo13

..and i bought a ticket to this event.

..you can do so here

epaulo13

..toronto bookstore

Between the Lines

@readBTLbooks

Next on our Spring 2022 list: Disarm, Defund, Dismantle: Police Abolition in Canada

Edited by Shiri Pasternak (@shiripasternak), Kevin Walby and Abby Stadnyk (@AbbyStadnyk)

A powerful collection about defunding and abolishing the police in Canada, by activists and scholars.

epaulo13

Black Lives Matter Co-Founder Patrisse Cullors on Abolition & Imagining a Society Based on Care

quote:

PATRISSE CULLORS: Of course. Well, we’ve spent almost two decades here in Los Angeles challenging what was going to be a jail expansion effort that would have been a $3.5 billion — not million, $3.5 billion — jail plan here in Los Angeles. And in that challenging, we were met with little to no attention. For a long time, the County Board of Supervisors told us, “These jails are being built. This is for public safety.” And then, as organizing does, it challenged and changed many of the elected officials who were sitting on the board, and we effectively stopped those jails from being built.

But not only did we stop the jails from being built, we really created a new model around how we vision Los Angeles County that can focus on things like mental health, focus on things like having our community have access to green space, having our community have access to mental healthcare, having our community have access to food, housing, jobs. And so, we have really pushed and challenged both the county and the city here in Los Angeles to recreate a model here in L.A. that does put abolition first, does put care first in the city. And frankly, we’re winning.

I’m deeply concerned about the move to continue to fund police departments as a way to deal with harm and violence. We’ve seen time and time again that it actually doesn’t work. What works is when communities have access to their basic needs, when communities have access to being able to be full, dignified human beings.

quote:

PATRISSE CULLORS: Sure. One of the most egregious acts of living inside of a white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal system is that it’s taken our imagination away. Whenever I speak to people about abolition, one of the first guttural reactions is, “Well, what about the murderers, and what about the rapists?” as if there aren’t other people who are languishing inside of these jails, people with drug addiction, people with mental health disorders. We’ve lacked this imagination. We believe that police and prisons as we know it have existed for millions of years. It hasn’t. It’s a short system, and it’s a system that hasn’t worked for the majority of us.

And so, we are calling, abolitionists are calling, for us to imagine. Imagine a world without police. Imagine a world without prisons. When we did the work here in Los Angeles to stop the $3.5 billion jail plan, the first question we asked our communities: What would you do with $3.5 billion? Let me tell you, not a one human being said, “We would build more jails and prisons.” And so, we have to imagine what we would do with these dollars, with these budgets, and they have to really be an imagination that’s grounded in care.

epaulo13

Max Weber, victim of police violence

Faced with numerous protests denouncing the violence of the ‘forces of law and order’ against unarmed demonstrators, Emmanuel Macron responded with a historic phrase: ‘Don’t talk about repression and police violence. These words are unacceptable in a state governed by the rule of law’ (2 March 2019).

This is an almost ideal-typical example (in Max Weber’s terms) of what could be called ‘fake political science’.

In fact, the sentence is highly ridiculous: there is no rule of law in the world that has not resorted to illegal and illegitimate forms of police violence at some point in its history. For example: the French Republic. We will not recount here all the violence of this type since France became a state governed by the rule of law in 1944. A single example is sufficient: 17 October 1961. France was indeed a state governed by the rule of law, the Constitution was in force, Parliament was sitting. Yet a peaceful demonstration of Algerians was drowned in blood by the police: hundreds were killed, many of their bodies thrown into the Seine. The person responsible for this massacre was the Paris prefect of police, Maurice Papon (tried and condemned, much later, for other reasons: crimes against humanity, collaboration with the Nazi occupiers in the genocide against the Jews).

Admittedly, the police violence in Macron’s realm over the last two years, starting with the repression of Gilets Jaunes movement, is not equivalent. They have none the less seen the most brutal attacks by the forces of law and order against unarmed demonstrators since the end of the colonial war in Algeria. This violence has been carried out using methods – strangulation, flooring, etc. – and a panoply of repression forbidden in most European countries: LBDs (‘Defensive Bullet Launcher’, a fine euphemism!), ‘dis-encirclement grenades’, toxic tear-gas grenades, tasers, etc. But the good old truncheon has also been used to seriously injure a very large number of people.

quote:

Who is responsible for this violence unprecedented in the history of post-colonial France? Police officers, no doubt. The racist, violent and repressive inclinations of many police officers are well documented by numerous testimonies, including from other peacekeepers outraged by this situation. But why did the abuses not reach such a scale before 2018? The police, after all, were the same. Here is the only possible explanation: these practices have been encouraged, authorised, legitimised and covered up by the authorities. Among others: Didier Lallement, Paris prefect of police, Christophe Castaner, minister of the interior, and Laurent Nunez, his secretary of state. A statement by the latter sums up the attitude of the authorities: ‘We have no regrets about the way we have conducted public order’ (2 June 2019, on RTL). As for Minister Castaner, here is his opinion on the issue: ‘I like order in this country and I defend the police and gendarmerie. I don’t say “but”. I defend them and that’s all’ (11 February 2020, before the National Assembly). But in the final analysis, the main person responsible is Jupiter himself, that is, Emmanuel Macron: in the Fifth Republic it is the President who defines the strategy and behaviour of the forces of law and order. We live in a state of law: the police only obey the orders of the legal and constitutional authorities. Jérôme Rodrigues, one of the leaders of the Gilets Jaunes who was blinded by an LBD bullet, made this observation, declaring in an interview published on 7 September 2020 in the online newspaper Le Monde moderne: ‘We are talking about police violence, but fundamentally we should be talking about government violence, it is they who simply use the police as a shield.’

Pondering

https://ca.news.yahoo.com/trucker-convoy-ottawa-police-defunding-protest...

Police Service Chief Peter Sloly has called the demonstrators “unlawful” and stressed there will be consequences for their behaviour, with arrests made and more coming. He called the demonstration "unique and unprecedented" and said that they are considering asking for help from the Canadian Armed Forces. However, many on Twitter are targeting Ottawa’s police for not doing enough, and are advocating for them to be defunded.

Since the weekend, Ottawa downtown core has been inaccessible, with residents being subjected to non-stop honking.

 

Denise Balkissoon

@balkissoon

 

"The cost of this protest for three days would fund our shelter for more than an entire year." Imagine redirecting money from a police force that has admitted it can't do its supposed job here towards ending violence against women and homelessness.

 

epaulo13

epaulo13 wrote:

..and i bought a ticket to this event.

..you can do so here

..this event just ended. i loved it. this journey into abolition i'm taking is a learning process and this event contributed to that. an exciting journey i might add. :)

..the event was recorded so here is the link...

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xvJCjh9ZbRM

epaulo13

..i'll just add that the event was very well attended from many peoples around the world. i saw a couple names from people in ottawa even. the names just going and going. all i can say it was a lot of people.   

epaulo13

Biden promised to end oil drilling. Instead he approved 3,557 permits outpacing Trump.

Biden promised to cut incarceration in half. Instead there are 5000 more inmates than under Trump. 

Biden promised to reform police. Instead he’s spending more on police & military than Trump.

epaulo13

In Brooklyn, a Left-Wing Challenger Is Dispensing With the Democratic Ballot Line Entirely

This month, a self-described socialist candidate in Brooklyn will attempt a rare feat in New York political history: beating a Democrat with only a third-party ballot line.

Running solely as a candidate of the Working Families Party, Keron Alleyne, a young activist in East New York, will seek to fill the assembly seat once held by Charles Barron, an early member of the Black Panther Party, and his wife, Inez. The Barrons are political royalty in the area and proud radicals, advocating for free public college, reparations for the descendants of slaves, anti-Zionism, and defunding the police long before they became familiar positions among leftists. Alleyne, who ran unsuccessfully for state senate in 2020, is very much their protégé, a neighborhood activist embracing the Barron ethos.....

epaulo13

..i registerd for this. i'm curious to hear what options they bring forward.

Black, Indigenous, Mad/Disabled, and 2SLGBTQIA+ folks have been calling attention to police brutality and systemic racism in carceral systems for decades. The murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis Police Department in 2020 has brought many to reconsider the role and function of police in society. On top of this, the intersecting crises and carceral responses to the opioid overdose, the COVID-19 pandemic, and affordable and accessible housing have culminated in a reckoning with the systems that disproportionately impact and harm individuals in marginalized and oppressed communities. Conversations around defunding the police and alternative forms of community safety have become louder, both off-campus and on-campus.

This speaker series aims to be a set of initial community building events and political education sessions that will bring students, faculty, and community members together to facilitate discussion and critically consider the role of policing on campus, as well as trauma-informed alternatives. In doing so, we hope to create a network of people and groups who are interested in working towards a police-free UofT campus and provide space not only for students to learn from academics and community members, but also engage in critical dialogue with one another. The goal is for this speaker series to be the first of many steps and actions to organize and mobilize students to develop a safer, police-free, campus community.

Register

epaulo13

..from last may

epaulo13

How do we organize resistance against the growing number of ways that data is used to reinforce and expand criminalization? Join abolitionist thinkers and organizers connecting the dots between surveillance capitalism, border imperialism, and neoliberal prison reform.

A dominant mode of our time, data analysis and prediction are part of a longstanding historical process of racial and national profiling, management and control in the US. In a new report, From Data Criminalization to Prison AbolitionCommunity Justice Exchange examines the interlocked machineries of migrant surveillance and describes processes of “data criminalization:” the creation, archiving, theft, resale and analysis of datasets that mark some of us as threats and risks, based on data culled about us from state and commercial sources.

As all facets of daily life become datafied, governments and corporations work together formally and extra-legally to instrumentalize the most mundane and revealing data sets created about us. As these surveillance systems expand from formally criminalized spaces like prisons and detention centers to encompass less-carceral and non-carceral spaces like parking lots and personal cell phones, the technologies themselves also become more aggressive, utilizing mood prediction, behavior control and relationship-mapping practices rather than simple data cross-checking to criminal legal records.....

epaulo13

Organizing to end all forms of incarceration, criminalization, and surveillance

The Community Justice Exchange is a national hub for developing, sharing, and experimenting with tactical interventions, strategic organizing practices, and innovative organizing tools toward prison industrial complex abolition. We provide support to community-based organizations that are experimenting with bottom-up, power-building interventions in the criminal legal and immigration detention systems.

Pondering

https://www.nationalobserver.com/2022/02/09/opinion/police-are-defunding...

As the Washington Post reported last year, a study of American data that stretches back to the 1960s shows it does not. “More spending in a year hasn’t significantly correlated to less crime or to more crime,” the Post’s Philip Bump writes. “For violent crime, in fact, the correlation between changes in crime rates and spending per person in 2018 dollars is almost zero.”

Sandy Hudson, the co-founder of Black Lives Matter Canada, laid this out in a 2020 piece for Chatelaine. “Police services cost Canadians $15.1 billion per year,” she wrote. “If we were to defund the police, we could put that money into new services that would better serve our safety and security needs. We could afford to create front-line emergency services for mental health and sexual assault, along with investigation services — for murders, theft, violent crime — that do not fail as often as the police do. And we could create safety and security services that actually serve Black and Indigenous people rather than killing us.”

Time will tell, but the politics around police funding may have shifted permanently after what has happened in Ottawa.

Canadians have seen the defiant indifference, and in some cases vocal support, offered by police to an occupation of their own city. They have watched as the RCMP in Alberta continues to allow a small group of rural agitators to block the border, disrupt trade with the United States and interfere with other people’s freedom of movement. And they cannot help but see the contrast between these responses and how police tend to crack down on protests involving environmentalists, Indigenous Peoples and other marginalized communities.

Those Canadians, and the elected officials that represent them, are going to have to ask some very fundamental questions. If the police are here to serve and protect, who are they serving and what are they protecting? And if they can’t, or won’t, do their jobs, isn’t it time to give some of their funding to people who will?....

 

epaulo13

‘De-Task’ the Police, Says Former Toronto Mayor

It’s been almost 50 years since John Sewell began speaking publicly about the problems he sees with policing in Canada.

In 1978, he was in his late 30s and new to the role of Toronto mayor. At the time, the city’s police force was targeting the local gay community. Sewell, who’d previously observed police transparency issues as a city councillor, took a stand against what he viewed as discrimination by the force, putting him among Canada’s first prominent politicians to speak publicly in support of the LGBTQ2S+ community.

A year later, he would again criticize police actions after officers shot and killed Albert Johnston, a Black man with a history of mental illness, in his own home. Sewell speculates that his criticism of police cost him the 1980 mayoral election, which he lost by a narrow margin.

Time would bring about greater awareness of LGBTQ2S+ rights, racial discrimination and mental illness.

But, says Sewell, the underlying issues with policing in Canada remain.

His most recent book, Crisis in Canada’s Policing, published in September by James Lorimer and Co., examines systemic issues with policing and why change is so difficult. It is supported by the research of criminologist and sociologist Christopher J. Williams.

Crisis in Canada’s Policing lays bare a toxic police culture that suffers from cronyism, racism, sexism and a lack of accountability. Sewell describes countless reports designed to improve policing that have gone unheeded.

He makes a case for “de-tasking” police by reallocating resources to organizations better positioned to prevent violence and crime. This is his third book about policing, marking a return to the topic for the first time in over a decade.....

Pondering

"De-Task" I like that! 

laine lowe laine lowe's picture

John Sewell has devoted himself to police reform and seems like a genuinely decent man. I am slightly biased since he is the uncle of a good friend.

epaulo13

Activists Are Occupying the Woods of Atlanta to Block a New Police Facility

Inside Atlanta’s sprawling South River Forest, city officials are moving forward with plans to raze dozens of acres of woodlands to build a $90 million police training facility that locals are calling “Cop City.” In response, Defend the Atlanta Forest activists who call themselves “forest defenders” have begun occupying the woods in an attempt to physically halt the facility’s construction—sabotaging construction vehicles and building barricades around a police-free autonomous zone that serves as both a living space and staging ground for the resistance effort. 

The forest defenders say the proposed 85-acre facility, which proponents are calling the Atlanta Institute for Social Justice and Public Safety Training, would harm air quality in the Atlanta area and prioritize policing and social control in a city that desperately needs life-affirming infrastructure such as affordable housing. Renderings of the complex show it would be one of the largest of its type in the country, featuring a mock city for training, a helicopter landing base, burn tower sites, and new shooting ranges. The movement is also fighting against the expansion of Hollywood’s Blackhall Studio, a project they say would devastate the forest and fuel gentrification and displacement of working class Black people. 

quote:

The Defend the Atlanta Forest movement draws from this tradition. Its members come from a combination of police and prison abolitionist organizations, environmental groups, and local neighborhood associations who see the causes of environmental justice and abolitionism as interlinked.

Community Movement Builders, a local organizing group of Black residents actively opposing the construction projects, described Cop City as a “war base” where “police will learn military-like maneuvers to kill Black people and control our bodies and movements,” in a press statement sent to The Mainline, a local magazine that covers social justice issues.

“They are practicing how to make sure poor and working class people stay in line,” organizer Jamal Taylor said in the statement. “So when the police kill us in the streets again, like they did to Rayshard Brooks in 2020, they can control our protests and community response to how they continually murder our people.”

Pondering

Inspiring. I hope they are successful. 

epaulo13

NO WAY OUT

quote:

An analysis of seven years of federal prison data has found that Indigenous, Black and other racialized men are 26 per cent, 24 per cent and 20 per cent less likely than their white peers to be paroled in the first year they’re eligible – even after controlling for their age, sentence length, offence severity, the year they were first eligible for community release and the risk assessment scores that estimate their likelihood of reintegrating into society. (Due to the limitations in the data obtained by The Globe, the analysis excluded women and people serving life sentences.)

When it comes to parole, in other words, you’re better off being white.

epaulo13

March 21st-23rd, 2022:

Defund, Demilitarize and Abolish Police, Prisons and All Forms of Carcerality

Scholar Strike Canada (SSC) is hosting its second major labour action on March 21st – 23rd 2022 to Defund, Demilitarize, and Abolish Police, Prisons, and all forms of Carcerality. This will be a three-day labour action that includes two days of virtual teach-ins by scholars, activists and students and a day of action (TBA). March 21st is the International Day for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination and Racism as designated by the United Nations. It commemorates the Sharpeville Massacre of 1960—when South African police opened fire on women, children, and men killing 69 people and injuring 180 as they protested Apartheid and its “Pass Laws.” 

Scholar Strike Canada was launched in September 2020 by Beverly Bain and Min Sook Lee, who are both scholar activists and organizers, as a labour action to protest the brutality and killings of Black, Indigenous, and racialized people by police in Canada and the US. It followed the Black uprising that took place in Canada, the U.S. and globally that demanded police be defunded and abolished. That global uprising has disrupted the mainstream acceptance of policing and has sparked challenges to the future of policing that felt unimaginable only a few years ago. 

The backlash from our institutions has been predictable and vicious, as police budgets keep growing and violence continues apace. Police in so-called Canada shot and killed more people in 2021 than in 2020, and many more died in police custody. Anthony Aust, Moses Erherhie, Trent Firth, Lionel Ernest Grey, Braden Herman, Julian Jones, Jared Lowndes, Sheffield Matthews, Dillon McDonald, Coco Ritchie and Latjor Tuel are among those Black, Indigneous, or racialized people killed by police, or who died in police custody, since the last Scholars Strike. As we call out their names, we acknowledge the many names we do not know, and the ongoing ability of police in so-called Canada to kill people whose names are never known to the public. 

The white chauvinist convoy protest that has taken up public space in much of “Canada” recently has exposed the workings of the white settler-colonial state as one invested in “freedoms” based on individualism, privatization, and property. The convoy’s organizers include many known white supremacists and anti-immigrant agitators. Participants have displayed racist symbols, made mock Indigenous ceremonies, and impeded health care workers and others caring for our most vulnerable populations. On-duty police officers have mostly chosen not to engage these demonstrators, and organized groups of former soldiers and police officers have endorsed their actions. 

The “hands off” approach by the police and provincial governments towards the convoy demonstrators is rarely afforded to Indigenous, Black, and racialized protesting injustices. Police are revealing which political expressions they value, and which demonstrations and people threaten them. We refuse to entertain the false hope that police discretion can ever protect us..... 

epaulo13

..more from above.

Demands

We demand the immediate withdrawal of the Emergencies Act that was passed in the House of Commons that will grant more powers to the police and military to regulate, arrest and deter the movements and protests particularly by Indigenous Blacks and racialized communities across Canada.

We demand that all police forces be defunded immediately by at least 50% and these resources be transferred to community-based groups.

We demand that police and prisons and all forms of carceral institutions be abolished.

We demand an end to the Coastal Gas Link project on Wet’suwet’en lands

We demand an end to the invasion by the RCMP of unceded Indigenous territories including Wet’suwet’en, Pacheedaht, and Ditidaht and all Six Nation Territories. 

We demand that there be no more transfer of funds to institutions such as Children’s Aid Societies, Canadian Association of Mental Health Services and other organizations that perpetuate carceral relations. Instead, these monies should go to communities engaged in sustainable mutual care, the creation of safer affordable housing, and ending systemic poverty

We demand that universities including the University of Toronto issue statements in support of Indigenous, Black, racialized, students, faculty, and staff whose lives are made more vulnerable in this growing militarized, white supremacist and white ethnonationalist settler-colonial context and provide additional resources for mental health and student creation of safe spaces.

We demand that universities including the University of Toronto issue statements denouncing the escalating police violence and arrests of Black, Indigenous and racialized students and faculty arrested during protests. 

We demand that universities including the University of Toronto recognize the escalation in militarization, increased police personnel, police budgets and the danger this poses for Indigenous, Black, racialized, LGBTQ2S+, and otherwise marginalized students, Faculty and Staff on Campus and remove all cops from all campuses.

We demand that the charges against Vanessa Gray and other Indigenous, Black, and racialized students, researchers, and activists arrested in protests as land defenders and supporters of encampments be dropped.

We demand justice for Latjor Tuel, a Black Sudanese man, who was killed by Calgary Police on February 19, 2022 and Moses Erhirhie, a 35-year-old Black man, killed by police in Markham, Ontario on January 21, 2022. Both were killed during the convoy protest in Ottawa. We  witnessed the exceptional restraint of police towards the protesters. However, Tuel and Erhirhie were not granted the same discretion which would have allowed them to be alive today.

Click here to endorse the Solidary Statement!

epaulo13

..awesome webinair. learned a lot. learned how much i need to learn. and the way out..perhaps. here's a link to the recording. 

link

JKR

JKR

JKR

epaulo13

Canadian Police-Involved Deaths in February 2022

At least nine people were killed by Canadian police or died through police actions in February 2022. This follows a January in which there were at least eight police-involved deaths. Canadian police were involved in seven deaths over the last week of February alone.

Six of the victims were shot to death. One died in custody. One victim has been identified publicly at this time—Latjor Tuel, a Black Sudanese man who was experiencing mental health issues. At least three victims were experiencing mental health crises. One victim was a bystander who was shot and killed when police opened fire outside an apartment complex.

RCMP were involved in three deaths, two in British Columbia. Edmonton police killed two people, including the bystander.....

epaulo13

Administrative sabotage

“Remain constantly alert for opportunities to send our informants to Canada and give consideration to such action in all instances where warranted. Information developed in the racial field which is of interest to Canadian authorities must be furnished to the Bureau promptly.”

These are the closing lines of a secret memo, written in November 1970 by FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, alerting the Bureau to the “black power situation in Canada.” The memo is just one example of how the FBI and RCMP were attempting to build connections between the international Black Power movement and groups they labelled as “of extreme concern” in Canada during the late 1960s and 1970s. These included Caribbean nationals residing in Montreal and Toronto, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), Black Panther Party supporters, and Black nationalists. 

quote:

Canadian COINTELPRO 

By the late 1960s, the FBI and RCMP had coordinated their surveillance of members of the Black Power movement who were crossing the border from the United States into Canada. In a secret report to Ottawa headquarters in December 1968, director-general of RCMP security and intelligence William Higgitt reported that “U.S. Black Panther members have been actively engaged in attempts to gain control of civil-rights leadership in the Halifax and area Negro community.” Higgitt’s report is a part of a 2,000-page file titled “General Conditions And Subversive Activities Amongst Negros, Nova Scotia.” A heavily redacted version was released to the Canadian Press in 1994 by CSIS (the Canadian Security Intelligence Service) under the Access to Information Act. Three quarters of the pages were withheld in full. 

quote:

Countering Canada’s administrative sabotage

Over a year ago, I asked a senior archivist at LAC for the previously released file on Burnley “Rocky” Jones from 1994. I was informed that the release package for this file is “long gone.” Forced to repeat work the Canadian Press did decades ago, I filed an ATIA request for the file in February 2021, knowing that it would be sent to CSIS to censor the file all over again. After an ATIA request is filed, the requester is to be notified by the institution about when they can expect the requested records. A year later, I have yet to receive even that notification, let alone the file itself. 

The ATIA is currently undergoing its 14th major review by the Treasury Board in four decades, a process that has repeatedly proven itself to be irrelevant to legislators and has failed to create meaningful systemic change. If the system continues to perpetually censor or block access to state archives for another 40 years, what is at stake?

The history of repressive tactics used by the Canadian and U.S. governments – separately and in collaboration – can help us understand how these counterinsurgency programs have reinvented themselves today. RCMP violence against land defenders in Wet’suwet’en territory and at Fairy Creek; the use of private security forces at Standing Rock; the cases of Hassan DiabMohamed Harkat, and other Muslims criminalized as terrorists under secret security certificates; the torture of prisoners during the war in Afghanistan; and the FBI targeting of the Movement for Black Lives as terrorists under the label “Black Identity Extremists” are but a few examples of these reinventions. 

The lack of disclosure under the ATIA is not just a matter of history – it is a crucial driver of public policy that causes premature death for those impacted by police, military, and other institutional state violence within Canada’s borders and abroad.

On deaths due to police violence in Canada, for example, policing institutions and police unions do not collect and publicly disseminate detailed information about use of force incidents, and there is no public entity that tracks this information. Access to any RCMP information at all through the ATIA is in such a state of crisis that in 2020, the OIC tabled a special report to Parliament to address the RCMP’s systemic lack of compliance with the Act. 

quote:

From examining the state of the ATIA and efforts to access Canada’s archives, we begin to understand that the preservation of Canada’s security state – its policing, military, intelligence, and penal institutions – all relies on the censorship of its archives. What the ATIA deems to be “injurious” to the government, is in reality a measure of liability for injury and premature death to those impacted by state violence. 

epaulo13

..wpg

epaulo13

epaulo13

..you can choose audio or transcript.   

“Operating without the Police Came Naturally to People”

 interviewed by · March 16, 2022

January 2022 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the Bloody Sunday massacre. On January 30th, 1972, British troops fired into an unarmed civil rights march in Derry, Northern Ireland, killing fourteen and wounding over a dozen others. This repression followed a mass movement confronting the British forced partition of Ireland and ongoing rule in the North as well as demanding equal rights, equitable housing, and an end to police brutality. In 1969, and again from 1971–72, residents established the autonomous area of Free Derry, pushing police and eventually the military out of Catholic-majority areas. Here Rampant talks with Eamonn McCann, a veteran socialist and one of the leaders of the civil rights struggle about the lessons of Free Derry and its relevance to current struggles against the police and for democracy.

The Battle of the Bogside that initiated the first Free Derry

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Scholar Strike Canada is pleased to present:

Defund, Demilitarize and Abolish Police, Prisons, and All Forms of Carcerality

Join us for two days of  teach-ins by scholars, activists, artists and students followed by a Day of Action in Toronto: RECLAIM! Abolition Tour 2022.

Watch the teach-ins on youtube

TEACH-INS SCHEDULE

Monday, March 21, 2022
11:30 - 12:00 PM EST 

Welcome

Min Sook Lee & Kristen Bos 

Monday, March 21, 2022
12:00PM - 1:45PM EST

Opening Teach-in
"This Demands an Abolitionist Reckoning: Racism, Fascism, the Convoy Protest, and the Global Expansion of White Supremacy and White Ethnonationalism"

Speakers: 

Rinaldo Walcott, University of Toronto

Harsha Walia, Activist and Organizer

Courtney Skye, Yellowhead Institute 

Gary Kinsman, No Pride in Policing Coalition

Kevin Coleman, University of Toronto Mississauga 

Yasmin Jiwani, Concordia University

Moderated by Beverly Bain, Scholar Strike Canada

How do we understand the recent rise in fascism, ethnonationalism, racism, and the ultra right movements that are emerging globally?  What does this mean for Indigenous struggles, migrant rights, Black protests, anti-racism, anti-Islamaphobic, queer and trans rights? How should we actively be mobilizing and organizing for liberation, freedom, and abolition internationally in these times? These questions and more will be taken up by the panelists in this teach-in.....

..note there are more offerings than i have posted. just scroll the page,

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What better time than now to defund the Ottawa police?

In the wake of their heavily criticized handling of the so-called Freedom Convoy, the abrupt resignation of Police Chief Peter Sloly, city council’s firing of the police board chair, and a pattern of officer misconduct—Ottawa city police are reeling.

But well before the anti-vaccine mandate convoy rocked Ottawa and put the embattled police force under a national microscope, locals were pushing for major changes to the Ottawa Police Service (OPS). Now that the convoy has departed, local activists are at work pushing candidates for city council to take a stance towards defunding and detasking Ottawa police.

In December, protesters staged a sit-in at Ottawa City Hall and urged council not to approve an OPS budget increase. Megaphones in hand, they demanded funding be redirected to the city’s chronically underfunded social programing, like affordable housing. 

Weeks earlier, members of grassroots groups gathered outside the OPS headquarters and blocked a major intersection and highway on-ramp to demand a freeze to the force’s budget. 

While the convoy showed how Ottawa police respond to mostly white protesters compared to Black and Indigenous folks, some saw the OPS “acting exactly as expected” in response to the far-right-led occupation of Ottawa’s downtown.

“[The] OPS, like all police forces in Canada, has always had one mandate: protect the powerful—or at least don’t get in their way,” community organizer Robin Browne,  co-founder of 613-819 Black Hub, wrote in February. “And the thousands of mostly white convoy protesters, and the organizers with their millions in the bank, were the powerful.”

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City elections and the push to defund police

With roughly half of Canadians in support of defunding the police, Ottawa organizers say October’s municipal election could usher in a mayor and council  majority who support the defund movement’s objectives.

Former mayor Bob Chiarelli and current city councillors Diane Deans and Catherine McKenney are so far the only three mayoral candidates. Chiarelli, who held office from 2001 to 2006, oversaw a 1.3 per cent increase of the OPS’s gross budget in proportion to the total city budget during his tenure. 

Deans, who chaired the Ottawa Police Services Board from 2018 until her ousting in February, presented a unanimously-supported motion during the 2022 budget vote to redirect $550,000 to the development of an alternative call referral program. “Police often do not have the training needed to respond to these calls,” she said, “and in responding to these calls police services are being used to address social issues that could be better responded to by someone else.” On February 16, in the midst of the convoy occupation, Deans was unseated from the police services board following the board’s controversial hiring of an interim police chief one day after Sloly’s resignation.

In October 2020 McKenney supported a motion to limit OPS funding in 2021 to a 1.5 per cent increase and redirect the savings to public health. The motion was voted down. Two months later they brought a motion to council recommending a $13.2 million investment—the same amount requested by OPS for the 2021 budget—in affordable housing, social supports for marginalized communities, and community-based harm reduction initiatives and other alternatives to policing. “We cannot continue to defund health, social services and housing while increasing funding to police,” McKenney wrote at the time. 

While grassroots organizations aren’t yet officially endorsing McKenney, the councillor’s promise to democratize the budget process has perked ears. 

“At the end of the day, we want to elect representatives and a mayor who respects the wants and needs of social movements and residents of the city, and values a more democratic budget process,” says Hersh.

A more collaborative budgeting process could open up funding for projects like a non-police mental health crisis response strategy and other initiatives that would reduce demands on Ottawa police and create a safer city for residents.....

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..more from ottawa

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In the absence of public involvement in budget decisions, council could continue to increase police funding despite the rallying cries from grassroots groups to do the opposite.

“The impact of you giving the cops an $11 million increase was to send a very clear message to us: ‘Shut up, and continue being hurt and killed,’” Browne told the Ottawa Police Services Board in December. “Well, we don’t plan to do either of those things.”

Browne cautioned the board: “Just as we did when we occupied city hall during the budget vote, we plan to keep making lots of noise from now right up until next year’s election.” 

Community groups map an alternative path

At just over $375 million, the Ottawa police budget is 15 times the meager $25 million in municipal funding that nearly 100 community-based organizations in the city will split in 2022.

With an annual budget in excess of a third of a billion dollars, the OPS notoriously targets and harasses racialized communities. In the past few years, Ottawa police have conducted live explosive trainings in immigrant neighborhoods, handcuffed and held Black youth gathered for a film and music video at gunpoint, and arrested Black and Indigenous activists engaged in peaceful protest.

The OPS track record with wellness checks and residents experiencing mental health crises is abysmal. Abdirahman Abdi, a 37-year-old Somali-Canadian, was killed by Ottawa police in 2016. Three years later, in 2019, 30-year-old Ojibway man ​​Greg Ritchie was shot and killed by two Ottawa police officers

In January 2020 Ottawa’s city council declared a housing crisis. Organizers say the number of people sleeping on the street has since doubled. Residents who sleep and live in public spaces are more likely to engage regularly with police since activities associated with homelessness are often criminalized. 

This year, Ottawa will invest $17 million in affordable housing, but instead of guaranteeing low income tenants have dignified housing, this funding is destined to ensure landlords receive market rent. Investing in life-saving services, such as a Housing First program, could provide safe shelter for those experiencing addiction or fleeing abuse.

Decriminalizing minor offenses, through federal legislation such as the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act, could reduce police presence around safe consumption sites and shelters. Implementing preventive urban design, like speed bumps and stop signs, could curb dangerous driving and limit the need for officers to engage in traffic stops.

These are just a few of the ideas to emerge from engaged residents.

In its 2022 alternative budget, the Ottawa Coalition for a People’s Budget suggests divesting more than $240 million from policing and investing more in community-based crisis-response teams, affordable housing, food subsidies, free therapy and counseling, and other social programming. 

While the Ottawa Police Services Board has limited budgetary control over the force’s $300 million to fund salaries, millions are allocated for receptions, dry cleaning, membership fees, recruitment, and other miscellaneous line items. Advocates say these discretionary expenses are not essential and the funding could better serve the community if invested in harm reduction. 

Last year, community groups co-drafted a non-police mental health crisis response strategy in consultation with frontline responders and those with lived experience.....

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Stop criminalizing encampments!

This morning, the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) set up 15 tents in front of Toronto City Hall as Mayor John Tory watched directly above from his office. Community members saw the mayor perched above them and demanded that he meets them downstairs to answer for the unfolding housing crisis.

City councillors were forced to walk past the tents to make their way to the economic and community development committee meeting. The committee was scheduled to meet this morning to discuss ending the leases for hotel shelters over the next two years–including up to five hotel shelters expected to be closed by the middle of 2022. 

COVID-19 and the housing crisis

Community activists held signs calling for the city to stop invisibilizing people experiencing homelessness. International law recognizes adequate housing as a fundamental human right, yet over 7,000 individuals endure homelessness each night in Toronto. Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, park encampments became an essential survival mechanism for Toronto residents who did not have access to living saving spaces amidst an ongoing housing crisis and overcrowded shelters. Gru, an organizer with OCAP, explained that the city has tried to hide the housing crisis for decades, but the COVID-19 pandemic forced the issue into the public eye. 

“COVID made it impossible to sweep the issue under the rug because homeless people knew they could not practice social distancing in congregate and overcrowded shelters. We knew before the first outbreak that the shelter spaces would kill us if we stayed in them. Then we saw the issue become visible again as people made the only choice they had: sleep in parks where they could stay safe,” said Gru.  

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Stop the criminalization, defund police and fund housing

OCAP organizer Sam Riot said, “The shelter system is chronically underfunded and overburdened. Meanwhile, Toronto City Council recently voted to increase the police services budget by $25 million for the upcoming fiscal year. There is a shortfall of roughly 1800 shelter beds. People have nowhere to go because of these social failings. The city’s response was vicious and spent almost 2 million dollars on evicting people over three days. They want to criminalize and make invisible homeless people.” Sam Riot told the crowd that the struggle for housing justice and police abolition is linked. “Encampments are a by-product of a failed system–a place of last resort and one of the most visual representations of a broken system. Instead of working towards meaningful solutions, the city uses its by-laws and criminalizes the same people it forces to sleep in tents.”

The city has policed people experiencing homelessness through municipal codes 6087-13 and 608-14, criminalizing sleeping in parks and setting up tents. Gru explained that whenever homeless people have organized against the crisis, the city mobilizes its police force against them by using its municipal powers as a “weapon against the homeless community.” OCAP demands that the city repeals both by-laws 608-13 and 608-14, an immediate measure to stop the criminalization of people experiencing homelessness.

Sam Riot told Spring Magazine, “OCAP understands that capitalism necessitates an underclass—social assistance like ODSP is severely underfunded, housing is denied, the poor are policed, all as a strategy of exploitation and abandonment. We need quality housing that allows people to live with dignity. That means redirecting the billions we spent on policing and surveillance and putting those funds into life-affirming measures like housing.” 

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Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) holds up the book “The End of Policing” during the hearing for Supreme Court nominee Ketanji Brown Jackson before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Capitol Hill on March 22. (Demetrius Freeman/The Washington Post)

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But Cruz’s use of the prop had a different outcome than the senator probably intended. Sales of the book are skyrocketing.

“Thanks to Ted Cruz, The End of Policing is now the #1 Best Seller in Gov. Social Policy,” Vitale tweeted Tuesday, including a screenshot of the Amazon ranking.

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..our future is secure. txs world president biden. i will now sleep better at night. 

Biden Budget Plan Calls for Record Military Spending, $32 Billion for Police

The White House has sent Congress a $5.8 trillion budget request that would raise taxes on billionaires and corporations while massively boosting funding for the Pentagon and the police. Biden’s budget proposal does not include items from his “Build Back Better” plan, which failed to pass the narrowly divided Senate over objections from conservative Democrats Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin. The budget proposes more than $30 billion in grants to state and local police departments. It would also boost military spending by about 10% to a record-shattering $813 billion — eclipsing even former President Trump’s Pentagon budget requests.

Vermont independent Senator Bernie Sanders responded in a statement, “At a time when we are already spending more on the military than the next 11 countries combined, no we do not need a massive increase in the defense budget.”

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..register HERE

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BEYOND THE BARS: MOVEMENT BUILDING IN A WORLD ON FIRE

Beyond the Bars 2022 is bringing together movements for decarceration, abolition, and climate and environmental justice to develop solidarity, share analysis, exchange strategies and build power. This conference aims to not only confront the dire, intersecting realities of climate catastrophe, mass punishment, criminalization and incarceration, but to explore how we are working towards good relations, with each other, our communities and the earth we want and deserve.

With three panels over the course of the day, scholars, organizers, healers and artists will explore these questions in the hopes of strengthening our collective work:

  • What are the connections between the struggles for decarceration, abolition and climate justice? How does the work of making communities safer intersect with the protection of our environment?
  • What are the organizing strategies and concrete practices that confront the intersections of these struggles and advance our collective work?
  • How can our respective movements collaborate and build together to transform our communities and develop stronger and more cohesive relations?
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..abolition is a very active issue. i suspect this will turn into interventions at some point.  

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Indigenous leaders demand Thunder Bay, Ont., police lose power to investigate major cases

Indigenous leaders in northern Ontario continue to press the province to take action on policing in Thunder Bay, demanding Wednesday that the police service be stripped of its authority to investigate major cases.

Anishinabek Nation Grand Council Chief Reg Niganobe and Nishnawbe Aski Nation deputy Grand Chief Anna Betty Achneepineskum held a morning news conference at Queen's Park, and repeated their calls for government intervention.

In recent weeks, the Thunder Bay Police Service has faced a report identifying additional Indigenous sudden death cases that were insufficiently investigated, as well as internal turmoil, with a growing number of human rights complaints filed by officers and a member of its oversight board against the force's leadership.....

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The police serve the system

We’re taught in school that the police perform a just and noble service—brave officers put their bodies on the line to prevent crime, protect us from violence and uphold our rights. But the real story of modern policing is different.

Before the rise of capitalism—and even throughout some of its early development—the police as an organised force did not exist. Communities meted out their own justice through a hodgepodge of night watches, small groups of volunteers or social practices like the “hue and cry” (in which small groups of citizens came together temporarily to apprehend an accused criminal). There existed no paid, permanent force that was integrated into and controlled by the state.

But by the early nineteenth century, societies across Europe and North America were undergoing profound changes. Urban centres were receiving an influx of wage workers as capitalist enterprises demanded ever larger pools of labour. Often these workers were peasants recently cleared from their lands or, in some parts of North America, newly freed slaves.

This population growth presented challenges as well as opportunities for the capitalist class. On the one hand, they had a plentiful supply of labour to be exploited in their factories. But on the other, they faced a population that was more concentrated than before, and which had a vibrant political life of its own. And these new workers were not used to accepting the discipline expected of waged labourers. They frequently resisted attempts by the capitalist class to build and fortify a social order characterised by extreme inequality and exploitation.

The earliest fully funded state police force in Britain, the Thames River Police, emerged in 1800 to enforce capitalist property relations on a working class that was largely unwilling to submit. Workers on the London docks would flagrantly disregard their employers’ “right” to the cargo they unloaded, pocketing bags of sugar, tea and whatever else happened to be on the ships. To the workers, it was only logical that they should be allowed to take some of the goods they spent all day hauling around. It wasn’t the bosses who did all the heavy lifting—why should they reap all the rewards?

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Police continue to play the role of keeping acts of resistance within acceptable limits. They sow fear and distrust through a million small acts of intimidation as well as outright violence. Police show up at every protest, strike and occupation, intimidating and, if necessary, violently repressing those who fight back. They have a presence at every picket line, and show up at protests to ensure that climate criminals, politicians and the wealthy can continue their activities without disruption. From Sudan to Myanmar, police have been on the front lines defending capitalism from resistance and revolution. Wherever struggle breaks out, you can be certain that the cops will be there, on the wrong side.

The cops also play a role in reinforcing structural disadvantage, with much of their activity targeted at marginalised groups. In the US, that means singling out Black people for traffic stops or petty criminal activity, and in Australia, Indigenous people for crimes of poverty like drinking in public or unpaid fines.

Police, then, serve the interests of capital. They protect private property and those who own it, whether that’s from petty theft or from mass struggle that threaten the bosses’ accumulation of profit. They do not protect the marginalised or the oppressed, but are a key enforcer of that marginalisation and oppression. Whether an individual cop is “good” or “bad” matters little—the institution exists to perform a social function, which is to maintain the status quo.

So when the police commit acts of violence and brutality, it’s no aberration or deviation from what is otherwise good and necessary work. When police brutalise protesters, break strikes, harass people sleeping on the streets or kill unarmed civilians, they’re doing what they’re meant to do. Until the whole capitalist system is uprooted, the cops will continue to be the enemies of anyone committed to equality and liberation.

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..around 28 min video. fyi excellent interview.

Dispatches from the movement for police abolition in Canada

Ellie Ade Kur and Abby Stadnyk are grassroots organizers with abolitionist politics. They are also both involved in Disarm, Defund, Dismantle: Police Abolition in Canada (Between the Lines, 2022), a new book collection bringing together pieces by organizers and scholars writing in the context of the constellation of efforts to defund and abolish the police in Canada over the last two years. Scott Neigh interviews them about their own organizing work, about the larger movement, and about the new book.

In 2020, North America saw the beginning of a massive uprising against anti-Black racism and police violence. Sparked most directly by the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, but also a product of the highly inequitable hardships of the then-new COVID-19 pandemic, the uprising soon became most clearly associated with the slogan “Defund the police!” It was one of those moments where a movement catalyzed a rapid and previously unthinkable transition in mainstream opinion. And within other social movement contexts, politics critical of the cops were taken up and centred more broadly than ever before. This moment was only possible because it built on longstanding traditions of police and prison abolitionist organizing – grassroots political work of survival, thriving, and resistance in the face of state violence that has not always used the language of abolition, but that has played out over decades, even centuries, and has most often been grounded in communities of people who are most harshly targeted by the harms of policing and prisons.

In Canada, the abolitionist work over the last two years has taken many different forms. Not only have there been campaigns (mostly so far unsuccessful) to reduce the budgets of police forces, but also massive mutual aid projects, resistance within prisons as always-terrible conditions got worse in the context of COVID, campaigns for decarceration as a COVID safety measure, extensive public education, and efforts to uncover the histories of abolitionist struggles and think through abolition in the context of specific geographies, communities, professions, and movements......

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Vancouver council set to reinstate $5.7 million to police budget

Vancouver council will be asked by city staff next week to reinstate $5.7 million to the police budget that a majority of council originally rejected during the city’s budget deliberations in December 2020.

The recommendation from staff follows a decision made in March by Wayne Rideout, B.C.’s director of police services, who ruled the $5.7 million requested as part of the police’s operating budget for 2021 shouldn’t have been rejected by council.

Under the Police Act, council is required to provide funds to the Vancouver Police Board — which sets and oversees the police budget — in accordance with Rideout’s ruling. Rideout became involved in the budget controversy after the police board appealed council’s December 2020 decision.

Tax increase

The staff report leaves open the option for council to increase property taxes this year or in 2023 instead of transferring funds from the city’s reserves to the police budget, which already totals $341.5 million for this year.

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Swanson's motion

Meanwhile, Coun. Jean Swanson has drafted a motion that calls for council not to reinstate the $5.7 million. Swanson was among the majority that rejected the $5.7 million in December 2020.

Swanson wants Mayor Kennedy Stewart to write a letter to Mike Farnworth, B.C.’s solicitor general, to seek clarification about whether municipalities have “any role in overseeing police budgets that they pay for, or whether they are simply a rubber stamp, and if they are not a rubber stamp, how municipalities can have input into police budgets.”

Rideout said in a March 14 letter to Stewart, who doubles as chairperson of the police board, and Faye Wightman, vice-chairperson of the board, that his ruling shouldn’t be interpreted as a municipal council not being able to reject a police budget item or amount.

“Nor am I suggesting that a police department is free to implement any service delivery or deployment model at any cost,” Rideout said.

“On the contrary, the board and Chief Constable must continually examine and evaluate the service levels, deployment model, programs, services, and staffing needs and explore opportunities to reduce costs and leverage operational efficiencies in a manner that reflects the community’s public safety needs and priorities.”.....

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Government poll tried to skew public opinion against defunding the police

Public Safety Canada commissioned a poll intended to manufacture low support for “defunding the police” among Canadians, documents obtained by The Breach reveal.

The department, headed up by former Toronto police chief Bill Blair, paid Environics research firm to conduct the poll in the fall of 2020, in the wake of historic Black Lives Matter protests that elevated the demand of defunding the police into mainstream discussions.

According to government documents obtained through access-to-information requests, several poll questions relating to police were vetted by the department’s “policing partners,” including the RCMP.

Correspondence between department officials and Environics show the government succeeded in introducing pro-police bias into questions or scrapping ones they found unsympathetic.

Coming on the heels of an earlier IPSOS poll in 2020 that made waves for showing that a majority of Canadians support defunding the police, including overwhelming majorities of young people, the department’s exercise turned out to be a PR success.

The government poll was not immediately released publicly, but was reported on as “confidential” by Ottawa-based Blacklock’s Reporter, which claimed it “found [the] largest number of Canadians want MORE police funding, not less.”

Their reporting was picked up by major newspapers across the country last summer, with headlines like “Most Canadians against defunding police” and “Study: Public says ‘don’t defund our police.’”

But there was another wrinkle.

Despite having introduced pro-police bias into the questions, the full poll results, which Public Safety Canada quietly posted online a month after the initial coverage, show public support for defunding the police was in fact high and was misrepresented in the media coverage.

The highest number of Canadians—30 percent—supported less funding for the police or abolishing them entirely, while only 28 percent wanted more funding for police, contradicting what was reported by Blacklock’s Reporter....

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