Sask. Political Pot Pourri

More than 90% of Saskatchewan’s heavy oil sites don’t measure pollution, especially methane gasSaskatchewan is the second-largest crude oil producer in Canada after Alberta, the home of the oilsands. "In British Columbia, for example, they found about 1.7 times as much methane was being emitted compared with official estimates, according to an April paper in the journal Communications Earth & Environment."

Once again the Trudeau Liberal government has created a nice sounding set of regulations governing methane emissions only to throw them out the window by allowing Saskatchewan to use its much weaker methane regulations as equivalent to those of the Trudeau government. 

Scientists say vapour recovery units can be installed at heavy oil sites to capture methane gas before it’s released into the air. There has already been widespread deployment of vapour recovery units in the Peace River area of Alberta. Photo: Amber Bracken / The Narwhal

 

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Saskatchewan is the second-largest crude oil producer in Canada after Alberta, the home of the oilsands.

There is a similar situation with unmeasured methane in Alberta, as 93 per cent of certain heavy oil sites there were not required to measure their methane production in 2020, according to research published in the journal Elementa.

Industry lobbyists in Alberta were able to shield some of these heavy oil sites from tougher rules, even as regulators warned weaker requirements would mean compliance would be harder to verify.

There is a gap of more than 90 per cent between observed and reported oil and gas methane emissions in Saskatchewan and Alberta, according to an updated methane reduction strategy released by Environment and Climate Change Canada last fall. ...

Currently in Saskatchewan, heavy oil sites are only required to measure their methane if the volume of their gas exceeds 2,000 cubic metres per day, or 500 cubic metres if the gas is being sent to an engine, Seymour said. As most sites report gas volumes under this threshold, they are permitted to estimate their methane instead.

The federal government is working on revised regulations that would make virtually all oil facilities — or all those that exceed five cubic metres of methane flaring and venting per day — responsible for taking steps to stop the gas from being released into the air, according to a proposed framework. 

Fossil fuel firms could do this by either using the gas as fuel, storing it underground or burning it off, which converts it to carbon dioxide — still a greenhouse gas, but less powerful than unburnt methane when it comes to warming the planet over the short term. A draft of the revised regulations is expected later this fall, Lafontaine said.

The rules, however, won’t automatically apply in Saskatchewan when they come into effect. The federal government agreed in 2020 to temporarily stand down some of its key rules, such as those related to industry performance standards or requirements for companies to report certain records, when it signed a deal with the province to accept Saskatchewan’s regulations as “equivalent” to its own.

The equivalency agreement expires at the end of 2024. In the meantime, federal officials are in “close contact with counterparts in the government of Saskatchewan about the various methane emission sources, including those from heavy oil facilities,” Lafontaine said.

In June, Saskatchewan appeared to claim an early victory in its fight against methane, when it announced provincial emissions from venting and flaring methane at upstream oil facilities in 2022 had dropped 64 per cent below 2015 levels. The province has committed to cut emissions from the upstream oil and gas sector by at least 40 per cent by 2025 from 2015 levels.

But the findings of Seymour’s July study mean there is “significant uncertainty in the province’s progress” towards its emissions target, he said. ...

Debby Westerman, executive director of resource management at Saskatchewan’s Ministry of Energy and Resources, said the ministry “collaborates regularly” with industry and other stakeholders on methane emissions. She didn’t respond to questions about what the ministry thought of Seymour’s 90-per-cent estimate, what new techniques the government was using to improve its data reporting or whether the ministry was revising its rules in light of multiple studies finding methane underreporting is an issue in the province. ...

Saskatchewan NDP MLA Aleana Young, official Opposition critic for energy and resources, told The Narwhal cutting methane emissions is “low-hanging fruit” in the fight against climate change and the Moe government should be taking note. “The government should be reviewing these findings and using the best evidence-based methods to ensure that we are accurately measuring and reducing greenhouse gas emissions,” Young said. ...

Oil companies do have options to better reduce methane emissions from heavy oil sites, according to Carleton University engineering professor Matthew Johnson. In addition to scanning facilities for leaks, they could also install equipment to capture the methane instead of letting it escape into the air.

Since methane is the primary component of natural gas, the captured methane could theoretically be sold at market rates to help pay for such equipment, according to the International Energy Agency, which has estimated 40 per cent of global oil and gas sector methane emissions could be cut at no net cost. Seymour’s study found heavy oil sites in Saskatchewan emitted enough extra methane to heat around 100,000 households in Canada over the last decade.

Johnson, the scientific director of Carleton’s Energy and Emissions Research Laboratory, said one such piece of equipment is called a vapour recovery unit. As its name suggests, it can be installed on the heavy oil tanks to capture methane. From there, the gas could be sent to a collection unit where it would get compressed and then either used, stored or burned. Deploying this equipment at heavy oil sites is feasible, according to a February study in the journal Environmental Science and Technology where Johnson and other researchers concluded there has already been a “widespread deployment of vapour recovery units at heavy oil sites in the Peace River area of Alberta.” ...

Scientists say the Lloydminster heavy oil belt contains infrastructure particularly susceptible to undercounting. Canada’s recent national emissions report to the United Nations acknowledged methane gas is escaping from equipment at some wells in the Lloydminster region and that these emissions have been estimated in the federal data. Some of the oil wells use a technique known in the industry as “cold heavy oil production with sand,” or CHOPS. It involves pumping low-grade crude to the surface along with sand or water, and then letting it settle in tanks to separate out solids from liquids. While it settles, methane naturally bubbles to the surface. The tanks are designed to release the gas before it builds up too much pressure. ...

Saskatchewan’s rules allow most of these sites to carry out periodic tests, as infrequently as once a year, to come up with a ratio representing the amount of gas produced at a well for a given amount of oil. Then, when companies sell the oil, they estimate the amount of gas by applying this ratio to the volume of oil sold. But methane isn’t always released in a steady stream, and can instead come out in gas pockets, scientists say. That adds an element of unpredictability. “The world over, this is recognized as flawed,” Johnson said about the estimation methods. He said multiple studies throughout North America have demonstrated discrepancies between measured and estimated methane. He and other Carleton researchers have been working on creating a comprehensive, measurement-based inventory of methane emissions, so governments can base their emissions reduction goals on more accurate data.

In British Columbia, for example, they found about 1.7 times as much methane was being emitted compared with official estimates, according to an April paper in the journal Communications Earth & Environment. ... 

Fossil fuels claim they are cutting their methane emissions. However their record is weak. 

In 2022, Husky was fined $600,000 for violating the federal Fisheries Act, after a 2018 pipeline spill sent hazardous wastewater into a tributary of the North Saskatchewan River, harming vegetation and fish. ...

Researchers like Seymour are adamant that whatever companies say they’re doing to get their heavy oil methane emissions under control, Canadians deserve a clearer picture of what pollution the oil and gas industry is responsible for.“If methane emissions continue to be underestimated, it will remain unclear whether the regulations are having their intended impact,” Seymour said. “It will remain unclear whether Canada is meeting its climate commitments.”

 

 

https://thenarwhal.ca/saskatchewan-oil-pollution-methane-rules/

A Saskatchewan court has heard arguments over the use of pronouns in schools with plaintiffs asking for an injunction "to halt a policy requiring students under 16 to receive parental consent if they want to go by different names or pronouns at school". 

Lawyers for UR Pride, an organization representing LGBTQ people in Regina, argued for the injunction, describing the policy as discriminatory because it could result in teachers misgendering students unable to get parental consent.

Adam Goldenberg, a lawyer representing the group, told court it could also out students, potentially putting them at risk if they aren't accepted at home. He said these repercussions violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, including equality rights and the right to security of the person. The policy also does not account for the mature minor doctrine, a common-law rule that gives mature children autonomy, said Goldenberg. "There's expert evidence establishing a range of irreparable harm, including extreme irreparable harm, that the policy would cause, exacerbate, or at the very least, make more likely," he said. "Having no policy would better serve the public interest."

Mitch McAdam, the province's lawyer, told court the attorney general is opposed to the injunction, arguing the policy has been misinterpreted. McAdam said students who are worried they won't receive parental consent are to be provided with professional counselling at school. The counsellor is to work with the student until they are ready to seek parental consent, he said. "It's my submission that those submissions are inaccurate and unfair, and they're unnecessarily inflammatory," McAdam said. "The court needs to look at what the policy actually says and make a ruling based on what the policy says."

McAdam argued the issue is also about "drawing distinctions based on age." "I think it's about where is the appropriate place to draw that line," he said. "Is it 16, as determined by the Ministry of Education? Or is it somewhere else? Is it 13, 14? Because, surely, it won't be 12." ...

Hundreds of people rallied in front of the Saskatchewan Legislative Building to oppose the province's new policy requiring parental consent for name and pronoun changes in schools.

Goldenberg argued the mature minor doctrine allows children under age 16 to make important decisions, like their own medical treatment.

"There is a situation where there might be a young person who would be mature enough to consent to a medical treatment, but under this policy, is not able to have their gender identity recognized," he said.

Justice Michael Megaw, who is hearing the injunction application, reserved his decision. He said he will make a decision as soon as possible.

Premier Scott Moe has said he stands by the policy and that the province will do everything in its power to protect parental rights.

The premier said he would consider using the notwithstanding clause, a provision that allows governments to override certain Charter rights for up to five years.

Michael Walter, the Education Ministry's assistant deputy minister, said in an affidavit that he received 18 letters between June and August from people expressing concerns about students using chosen pronouns and names in school. The letters referenced a similar policy in New Brunswick, which came before the one in Saskatchewan. In his affidavit, Walter said the chief of staff in the Education Ministry told him that constituents of some legislature members were concerned.

Goldenberg described this correspondence as "weak" evidence, as the constituents and their political representatives were not identified. "That's at least triple hearsay," he said. "The chief of staff told (Walter), the MLAs told him, the constituents told the MLAs that parents had concerns about something happening in schools. "They go from zero to a final version of the policy in nine days in August," Goldenberg said. "This was not a thoughtful active policy creation."

McAdam argued even though the government developed the policy quickly, it was still acting in the public interest. He also argued there had been one case at a school where parental consent was required when a student wanted to go by a different name and pronoun. However, he did not provide every school division's pronoun policy, as this was not outlined in Walter's affidavit. Megaw took note of this, calling it a "notable absence of information."

UR Pride's lawyers said an injunction would pause the policy while a challenge makes its way through court.

Saskatchewan child advocate Lisa Broda said in a report last week that the policy violates rights to gender identity and expression.

Megaw granted five organizations intervener status in the case: the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, John Howard Society, Women's Legal Education and Action Fund, the Gender Dysphoria Alliance and Alberta-based Parents for Choice in Education.

The judge is to also decide whether UR Pride is granted public interest standing in the case. McAdam said the attorney general is seeking costs over the litigation, which is considered a rare move.

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/sask-judge-injunction-school...

A Regina judge issued an injunction today granted an injunction halting implemetation of the province's new pronoun policy until the court rules on the issue, saying there is no evidence that children as young as six would engage in discussion on what pronoun to use.

A Regina King's Bench judge has issued an injunction, effectively pressing pause on Saskatchewan's new school pronoun policy. The injunction will remain in place until the court rules on a legal challenge mounted by the University of Regina Pride Centre for Sexuality and Gender Diversity (UR Pride).

In August, the province's education minister announced new rules requiring students under 16-years-old to seek parental consent before changing their pronouns or preferred first names in a school setting. 

The move was widely criticized by LGBTQ2S+ advocates who believed the new rules could put gender-diverse youth at risk. In late August, UR Pride announced it would file for the injunction as well as challenge the constitutionality of the policy. Egale Canada and law firm McCarthy Tétrault LLP are assisting the organization in its legal fight.

In his decision to grant the injunction, Justice Michael Megaw referenced the testimony of expert witnesses who pointed to the policy's potential harms. "On the whole of the evidence, I am satisfied that those individuals affected by this policy, youth under the age of 16 who are unable to have their name, pronouns, gender diversity, or gender identity, observed in the school will suffer irreparable harm," Megaw wrote.

He dismissed many of the Saskatchewan government's arguments against the injunction, including a claim that without the policy a six-year-old child starting elementary school could ask to be called by a different name or pronoun, or be identified by a different gender. "I find this argument lacks persuasiveness and to be without foundation or basis on the materials that are before the court on this application. There is no indication in the materials that any students as young as 6 years old are looking to engage in this discussion," Megaw said "Furthermore, there is no indication that teachers or any other educational professionals either have been asked, or will be asked, to engage in this discussion."

https://regina.ctvnews.ca/mobile/judge-grants-injunction-on-sask-pronoun...

A letter from a Saskatchewan citizen about Moe's pronoun policy: "The Sask Party doesn’t understand scared children, because it is their privilege to not feel fear; they do know how to create it, though. It does not make sense for the government to go to great political lengths to force legislation that attacks our most powerless citizens, unless it taps into a larger game at play."

The most powerful privilege is not having to be afraid. I’ve never been afraid of governments in this country. Until now. The Saskatchewan Party’s pronoun policy is either a smokescreen to hide the underfunding of schools, or the start of something more sinister.

Contrary to Premier Moe’s claim, a school’s default position is always to notify parents, about everything. Schools are in the business of building community and they know fully the benefits of having involved caregivers.

The only time parents are not informed of a name change is if a child tells the school that notifying parents would put them at risk. The pronoun policy is a direct attack on these scared children, and soon they will have more to fear.

The Sask Party doesn’t understand scared children, because it is their privilege to not feel fear; they do know how to create it, though. It does not make sense for the government to go to great political lengths to force legislation that attacks our most powerless citizens, unless it taps into a larger game at play.

This, I fear, is the start of a series of coming changes, changes we see playing out in the United States, where books are being banned, teachers are vilified and school boards are accused of nefarious agendas.

This is the game the government is playing, and they have a big card up their sleeve: the notwithstanding clause. It is the trump card, indeed. We should all be afraid of what comes next.

Cory Antonini, Regina

https://www.msn.com/en-ca/news/canada/letters-pronoun-policy-could-just-...

The Saskatchewan party's new framework for indigenous consultation is basically a status quo document with a few word changes designed to sound like it is meeting "its constitutional duty to consult and accommodate Indigenous Peoples".

The Government of Saskatchewan announced its revised framework for consultation with First Nation and Métis communities in August 2023. This framework sets out the provincial government’s latest approach to fulfilling its constitutional duty to consult and accommodate Indigenous Peoples. However, Indigenous leaders say the changes do not go far enough. 

This is the first time changes have been made to the consultation framework in 13 years. While a few changes will come into effect in January of 2024, in substance, this policy advances the same 15-year-old framework for consultation from 2008, which was rejected then by First Nations in Saskatchewan and has again been rejected now.

Yet this is just one document that speaks to far deeper issues and must be placed in a broader context, especially as we recently marked the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation on Sept. 30.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 Calls to Action call on all levels of government to support a new policymaking framework for the country. Some Canadian jurisdictions are making efforts to break away from colonial mentalities by developing policies in true partnership with Indigenous Peoples. Yet, in Saskatchewan, there is little evidence of any similar progress.

Careful readers might spot slight differences between the revised version and Saskatchewan’s earlier provincial frameworks. Timelines have been tweaked, a new chart has been added and a central role for the Ministry of Government Relations has been clarified. 

Yet stepping back from the minutiae, the provincial government’s approach to Indigenous consultation largely preserves the status quo — a standard that is out-of-step with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and broader trends in Canadian and international law. It also fails to acknowledge or make any concessions to the distinct perspectives of the Indigenous Peoples of this land.

The TRC called for Canada to adopt UNDRIP as its framework for policy development. This could help set in motion a new era of policymaking that reorients us toward reconciliation. UNDRIP affirms the minimum standards for the survival, dignity, security and well-being of Indigenous Peoples. 

Both the federal government and British Columbia have enacted legislation to implement UNDRIP. But similar action in other Canadian jurisdictions remains slow or non-existent.

Saskatchewan’s government has so far avoided engaging with UNDRIP in its policymaking processes. Notably, the UN declaration is absent from its revised consultation framework.

The government of Saskatchewan says the revised policy reflects its dedication to “building positive relationships, honouring Aboriginal and Treaty rights, and supporting economic reconciliation.” 

However, the policy primarily summarizes principles from case law on the duty to consult Indigenous Peoples. If the framework was simply intended as legal advice for civil servants to help them avoid lawsuits, that would be one thing. But the framework purports to serve a more ambitious goal: facilitating “mutually beneficial relationships” with Indigenous Peoples.

Case law and legal precedent reflect specific disputes based on the specific facts that give rise to them. They cannot be used to design entire policy frameworks from the ground up. Relying almost entirely on the existing case law as a framework for relationship-building with Indigenous Peoples is misguided. 

When it comes to the duty to consult and accommodate, the courts define the minimum legal standards within which other branches of government must operate. In other words, they clarify a constitutional floor below which the executive and legislative branches cannot sink. But this is very different from dictating what policies and consultations should look like. 

In R. v. Sparrow, the Supreme Court of Canada described Canada’s constitutional provision for Aboriginal and Treaty rights, section 35, as “a solid constitutional base upon which subsequent negotiations can take place.” 

In Haida Nation v. British Columbia, the court described section 35 as “a promise of rights recognition” that requires “honourable negotiation,” as well as consultation and accommodation. The Supreme Court has always been clear that the judicial role in reconciliation is a limited one.

More recently, the B.C. Court of Appeal made a similar point in Ahousaht Indian Band and Nation v. Canada, a case on commercial fishing rights. It stated that a court has no capacity to “design a fishery.” At most, it can provide legal guidance to assist Indigenous Peoples and Canadian governments in crafting regulations that respect Indigenous rights. 

Courts cannot and will not design the laws and policies that are required for a positive, just political relationship. It is up to the federal and provincial governments to work with Indigenous Peoples to build a harmonious relationship or miyo-wîcêhtowin.

Saskatchewan’s approach may be setting the province up for greater risk as well. The case law it relies on shifts and the policy itself can be challenged before the courts. For example, the Métis Nation—Saskatchewan is actively challenging the policy’s restriction against consultation on Aboriginal title claims.

Likewise, Carry the Kettle Nakoda Nation in Treaty 4 territory is pursuing a claim that no further development can take place in their traditional territory without their consent, as there is almost no land left on which they can freely exercise their treaty rights. A similar case succeeded in B.C. in 2021.

Either of these cases could single-handedly raise the floor for consultation and accommodation in Saskatchewan, requiring more meaningful revisions to provincial policy and laws. There can be no certainty in sticking to minimum standards that could be upended at any time. 

What is the alternative? As the Supreme Court of Canada noted in Tsilhqot'in Nation v. British Columbia, the best way to avoid lawsuits is to obtain Indigenous Peoples’ consent. Saskatchewan can follow B.C.’s lead by negotiating nation-specific, consent-based processes in line with UNDRIP.

UNDRIP reflects key principles of customary international law, which are directly binding in Canadian courts and therefore highly relevant to Canadian policymaking.

Saskatchewan has been a policy leader in many fundamental areas, with universal health care often mentioned as one of its gifts to Canada. In the 1970s, for a short time, First Nations and the provincial government worked together to create policies on reconciliation that led to agreements on education and laid the foundation for resolving treaty land entitlement claims. 

Rather than treating Indigenous nations as political adversaries, the government appreciated the importance of partnership and consultation. Saskatchewan’s current provincial government must do more than the bare minimum required by courts and legal precedent. It must work with Indigenous nations on a shared vision for the future that is more likely to withstand the tests of time and litigation.

https://theconversation.com/saskatchewans-revised-policy-for-consulting-...

The Moe government has  tabled legislation invoking the notwithstanding clause to prevent children under 16 from changing their names or pronouns at school without parental consent. The NDP opposition see this as a violation of fundamental human and Charter rigths.

A judge granted an injunction at the end of September pausing the Saskatchewan Party government’s pronoun policy until a constitutional challenge could be heard later this year.

Lawyers for UR Pride, a LGBTQ organization in Regina, sought the injunction, arguing the policy could cause teachers to out or misgender children and that it violates Charter rights.

Premier Scott Moe pledged the same day to recall the legislature early to put the policy into legislation and invoke the notwithstanding clause. The clause is a rarely used provision that allows governments to override certain sections of the Charter for up to five years. “Every child in this province has the right to a safe, inclusive and welcoming school environment. We believe that having parents involved, like outlined in the legislation today, does that and that is what’s best for the child and the parent,” Education Minister Jeremy Cockrill told reporters after tabling the parents’ bill of rights act. “I think over the next number of days, we’re going to get into debate here on the collision of rights and how the notwithstanding clause addresses that.”

Egale Canada, a national LGBTQ organization, said the province is trampling on the rights of vulnerable children and youth. Egale has been providing legal assistance in UR Pride’s challenge over the policy. “We can all agree that young people deserve to feel safe and that parents play an important role in fostering a safe environment at home and in the community,” Egale said in a statement. “But the evidence is clear: not allowing young people to be themselves at school will cause irreparable harm by diminishing their mental health and well-being, and it even puts their lives at risk.”

Opposition NDP education critic Matt Love said the bill violates children’s rights. “It’s an indication that they know this policy will harm children and they’re more interested in protecting themselves,” Mr. Love told reporters. He said the issue of pronouns in school is not top of mind for people. “I’m disappointed that the priorities of this government are so out of touch that we’re not here to talk about the tens of thousands of people who don’t have access to a family doctor,” Mr. Love said. “We’re also not here to talk about schools that don’t have a working roof to keep kids dry when they go to school.”

The bill says if it’s believed a student would be harmed because of the pronoun consent requirement, the school’s principal is to direct the student to a counsellor. However, the Saskatchewan Teachers’ Federation has said schools are short counselling staff, as there is only one counsellor available for every 3,000 students.

Mr. Cockrill said the province is looking to hire more staff. “We don’t have a prescribed ratio [of counsellors to students]” he said. “But we’ll certainly work with school divisions to ensure that supports are in place. But, you know, the reality is that not all supports are going to be in the school context. We have community-based supports as well.”

In using the notwithstanding clause, the government is seeking to override sections of the Charter that deal with fundamental freedoms, life liberty and security of the person and equality. It’s also seeking to override parts of Saskatchewan’s Human Rights Code that address freedom of conscience, free expression and right to education.

The bill also says parents must be given at least two weeks’ notice before any sexual health content is presented in schools so they can withdraw their children’s participation if they choose. Part of the bill aims to prevent people or organizations from suing the government over the legislation.

Margo Allaire, an organizer with Yorkton Pride, said most parents wouldn’t worry about their children’s pronouns because they have good relationships. However, there are some who don’t, Ms. Allaire said. “For kids who don’t have a safe home, this is scary.”

Mr. Moe has said the policy, announced in August, has strong support from the majority of Saskatchewan residents and parents.

Saskatchewan’s child advocate Lisa Broda said in a report that it violates rights to gender identity and expression.

The government is looking to extend debate on the bill to 40 hours, a move that could result in politicians sitting long hours starting next week.

https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-saskatchewan-tables-schoo...

Today Premier Moe's anti-trans kids law was passed using the notwithstanding clause to override a court's ruling that it violated the Charter. 

A controversial bill that requires young students to get parental consent to change their pronouns in school has passed in a Canadian province. Saskatchewan used a constitutional override to pass the bill after a court granted an injunction that paused the policy.  It had been challenged by an LGBT organisation. The bill outlines a parent's right to be the "primary decision-maker" in a child's education.

Bill 137 passed on Friday after a marathon 40-hour debate this week.

Opposition leader Carla Beck, of the left-leaning New Democrats, called the move a backward step in the history of Saskatchewan politics.

Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe told reporters on Friday that the bill was about "providing parents the right - not the opportunity - to support their children in the formative years of their life". It includes provisions for parents to be informed of issues around attendance, behaviour, disciplinary action and grades. But the provision requiring parental consent if a student under 16 asks for a new "gender-related name or gender identity" be used at school sparked controversy. 

The policy, and Mr Moe's use of the notwithstanding clause to pass it, received significant criticism, including from Saskatchewan's human rights commissioner. 

Earlier this week, commissioner Heather Kuttai resigned from her position over the policy.  "My husband and I have a kid who is trans," Ms Kuttai said in a letter announcing her resignation, in which she called the policy "an attack on the rights of trans, nonbinary, and gender diverse children". 

The policy has also been opposed by some students, and a school walk-out was staged on Tuesday in the province's capital, Regina, as well as in other cities.

Mr Moe used the power of the notwithstanding clause to pass Bill 137. The clause gives provincial legislatures and parliament the ability to override certain portions of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.  It functions essentially as an option for provinces to set aside certain rights for a five-year period. The province announced the school policy change this summer. Last month a judge ruled that the policy should be delayed until a constitutional challenge could be heard.

The ruling came after the UR Pride Centre for Sexuality and Gender Diversity sought an injunction, claiming the measure violated Charter rights and could lead to teachers misgendering students.

The clause was once rarely-used, but has been invoked several times in recent years.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-67177292

Saskatchewan's provincial auditor, Tara Clemett, is looking into a complaint from the NDP that hotels and motels, including one owned Saskatchewan Party legislature member Gary Grewal,  that were taking in social service recipients raised their rates after the Saskatchewan Party government started pay the bill for the rooms. After Grewal's raising of the hotel rates for social service recipients became public knowledge, he has not showed up in the legislature for more than a month. Is this how the Saskatchwan Party wants to deal with scandals and with taxpayer's money?

Saskatchewan's provincial auditor says she's to investigate how the province chooses hotels for those who require social assistance. A spokesperson for auditor Tara Clemett says she's to look into the province's procurement and payment practices when those on social assistance need to stay at hotels.

The investigation comes after the Opposition NDP accused a motel owned by a legislature member of increasing rates for a client when social services started to pick up the tab.

Saskatchewan Party legislature member Gary Grewal owns the motel. Social Services Minister Gene Makowsky has said Grewal plans to meet with the conflict of interest commissioner over the accusations. Grewal has not been seen at the legislature since the allegations surfaced earlier this month.

https://ca.news.yahoo.com/saskatchewan-auditor-look-hotel-expenses-19393...

Pro-Palestinian protesters disrupted the Saskatchewan legislature last week while calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. 

Dozens of protesters calling for a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel have disrupted proceedings at the Saskatchewan legislature. During Question Period, protesters shouted and urged politicians to call for a ceasefire as the war in the Middle East continues. Some protesters shouted “shame” and “Scott Moe, you can’t hide,” as security cleared them out.

https://nationalpost.com/news/pro-palestinian-protesters-disrupt-saskatc...

The NDP is accusing the Moe government of hiding Crown Corporation reports and thereby breaking the law until after the summer by-elections in order to coverup their decreasing profits in the hundreds of millions. 

The official Opposition says the government broke its own laws trying to hide Crown Corporation reports, showing decreases in net profits, during byelections earlier this year.

During question period Tuesday, Erika Ritchie, critic for Crown Investments Corporation (CIC), questioned the timing of when the financials reports were released.

Ritchie cited the July 13 writ-drop for three Regina and area byelections as the reason why government held off releasing the unfavourable reports. Emails obtained by the NDP through a freedom of information request show members within CIC had their schedules and timelines “screwed” by requests from the minister’s office.

CIC is the holding company that manages Saskatchewan Crown Corporations. In its report this year, CIC found “consolidated earnings were $7.4 million in 2022-23, which is $242.5 million under target.”

Crown reports were released July 28, with no press conferences or briefings. Typically, there is a week set aside for releasing Crown reports, where ministers and executive field questions from reporters after presenting the report specific to their Crown. This year, due to the byelections, the government did not hold such media availabilities, citing provisions in the Elections Act preventing government from promoting its actions during a byelection period.

“They didn’t announce losing hundreds of millions that day the writ was dropped. They waited two weeks then quietly released the reports — no media, no briefings, just letting it pass under the radar,” said Ritchie in the legislative assembly.

Dustin Duncan, minister for CIC, denies any laws were broken, saying the government did table the reports within schedule, saying July 29 was the deadline.

As for why there were no press conferences he said “the spirit and the intent of the legislation” is not to interfere with the elections in the constituencies by touting what the government is doing. “So you shouldn’t be going to White City to announce a brand new school for Regina,” he said. Since Crown officials are based out of Regina, Duncan said it didn’t make sense to hold those press conferences in another city.

https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/sask-politics/ndp-accuses-governm...

In a memo leaked to the NDP, internal documents show Saskatchewan hospitals are suffering from 'hallway medicine' due to overcrowding and even violating fire codes in the process, thereby creating a safety hazard. 

Regina emergency rooms are violating fire codes as overcrowding has patients spilling out into the hallways, reveals a memo leaked to the Saskatchewan NDP. Opposition health critic Vicki Mowat shared the memo Wednesday, calling for immediate action on the part of the Saskatchewan Health Authority (SHA) and provincial government to stop the necessity for “hallway medicine. Health care workers leaked these emails to us out of frustration, saying that things have never been so bad in all their years of service,” she said. “We can’t keep pretending that the challenges facing our health care system are inevitable.”

The memo includes an email from an unnamed Regina Fire and Protective Services (RFPS) inspector, forwarded to staff by Regina EMS director Glen Perchie on Monday. The fire inspector cites that corridors must be kept clear, and that patient beds being placed in hallways in both Regina General Hospital and Pasqua Hospital is narrowing the space in a way that breaks national codes.

“We cannot look the other way when there are serious fire code violations that is putting your patients and staff at serious risk within vulnerable facilities,” reads the email. “It is urgent that the matter of using these corridors in this current manner is addressed immediately.” In the memo, Perchie warns the notice is “a shot across the bow” from RFPS. “Both the EMS and Emergency Department leadership teams have escalated these concerns,” he writes, going on to ask staff to “do your best to maintain the smallest footprint we can” by limiting seating, furniture and equipment in hallways.

Low rent Regina is in danger of disappearing with rents increasing 13.6% in 2023. NDP finance critic Trent Wotherspoon says that Saskatchewan residents are still struggling and the Saskatchewan Party government isn’t doing enough to help people get by. He noted that "government has made things worse by adding more costs, more taxes, more hikes to power bills during this time, and has taken measures that has driven up the cost of housing and rent for people."  He also said "Saskatchewan people are expressing that they’re facing financial hardship at a greater degree than any other province in Canada. ... with 3,000 units owned by the province that are sitting empty, driving up costs and keeping the market supply short".

With rent increases seen across the country year over year, Saskatchewan still claims to be one of the most affordable provinces to live in.

 

This is even as asking rents for one-bedroom properties in Regina and Saskatoon increased by 13.6 per cent and 8.3 per cent respectively in 2023. ...

While both of Saskatchewan’s major cities rank low on the National Rent Rankings, they are among some of the highest percentage increases in the country.

In the National Rent Report, smaller Canadian cities, which continue to grow at a rapid pace, are seeing rent increase percentages in the mid-teens. Large metropolitan centres like Vancouver and Toronto are maintaining a lower increase around 2.7 to four per cent year-over-year.

Although rent increases are not going away or slowing down any time soon, Urbanation says it expects less pressure on the market in 2024. “The rate of rent growth in Canada was stronger than expected in 2023, mainly due to a surge in non-permanent residents, a resilient economy, and a sharp pullback in home buying activity,” said Shaun Hildebrand, President of Urbanation in a news release issued this week. “While rents are expected to continue rising in 2024, there should be less upward pressure on the market this year as demand increases at a somewhat slower speed and more supply is added.”

The province’s Ministry of Finance said that the recently announced Saskatchewan Secondary Suite Incentive Grant Program and the PST Rebate on New Home Construction extension are designed to increase housing and rental availability throughout Saskatchewan and help homeowners with affordability. ...

NDP finance critic Trent Wotherspoon disputes the ministry’s comments, saying that Saskatchewan residents are still struggling and the Saskatchewan Party government isn’t doing enough to help people get by. “It is at their peril that the Sask. Party government dismiss and deny the cost of living, hardship and reality that people know all too well across Saskatchewan,” said Wotherspoon in an interview Thursday. “This government has made things worse by adding more costs, more taxes, more hikes to power bills during this time, and has taken measures that has driven up the cost of housing and rent for people. Saskatchewan people are expressing that they’re facing financial hardship at a greater degree than any other province in Canada.” Wotherspoon said that there are 3,000 units owned by the province that are sitting empty, driving up costs and keeping the market supply short.

https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/sask-politics/average-rent-in-reg...

The Saskatchewan NDP is accusing the Saskatchewan Party government of stalling the release of its social services' hotel usage policy to cover up for Saskatchewan Party MLA Gary Grewal, who was charging social services clients more on his motel's nightly room rates. "NDP critic Meara Conway says the inflated room rates paid raises ethical questions as the motel is owned by Sask Party MLA Gary Grewal" (https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/sask-politics/social-services-upp...).

The Saskatchewan NDP accused the government Thursday of purposely dragging its feet on providing more detail on social services’ use of hotels for clients in order to avoid a scandal as long as possible.

Opposition critic Meara Conway says two Freedom of Information and Privacy (FOIP) requests submitted on Dec. 12 requesting documents from the Ministry of Social Services have been drawn out another 30 days “with no excuse.”

The requests ask for the Ministry of Social Service’s policy on temporarily housing clients in hotels or motels as emergency shelter, and a list of hotels in the province uses.

Both were issued an extension last week, pushing the deadline to return information a month ahead, to Feb. 10.

But Minister of Social Services Gene Makowsky there is no intention of “hiding or not sharing information,” and staff have been “working diligently for weeks and months to compile this information” in an internal review.

Conway first rang alarm bells in November with transparency and ethics concerns, alleging Sunrise Motel, owned by Saskatchewan Party MLA Gary Grewal, was charging social services clients more on nightly room rates.

“These are simple, straightforward asks that involve no crunching of numbers or pouring over receipts,” Conway told media Thursday. “And they’ve now kicked the can down the road.”

She noted Makowsky “promised answers to these questions months earlier” on the floor of the Legislature in November, and it is “inexcusable” nothing new has been offered 10 weeks later.

https://leaderpost.com/news/local-news/sask-politics/ndp-accuses-governm...

Pelican Narrows Cree chief has pleaded for help to end community's wave of violence in open letter to Sask. premier Moe and PM Trudeau. Years of residential school left many indigenous people ill-equipped to act as parents because they had little family life experience, which combined with treatment as not even second-class citizens, but non-citizens has greatly increased social problems. Neither Moe or Trudeau's government showed any interest in dealing with these problems despite pleas for help that went on for more than a year. 

Quote:

Leaders in a remote Saskatchewan community are calling out for help. They say residents in Pelican Narrows are living in fear daily because of drug-fuelled violence, stabbings, shootings and suicide, which are the result of historical injustice and geographic isolation. 

Registered nurse Sarah Van den Broeck described what it's like to live and work in the remote Saskatchewan community, which is about 420 kilometres northeast of Saskatoon, during a news conference Monday.She says nurses are exhausted from the constant exposure to trauma, oftentimes looking after patients who are victims of gunshot wounds, attacks from machetes, hammers and knives, and domestic violence. "We feel like we're sitting targets ... we feel that the weapons used — the sawed-off shotguns — cause enough damage, but should a higher-calibre weapon be used for these shootings, we would be seeing murders every day," Van den Broeck said. "We're trying to call for help before it comes to that."

Van den Broeck says it's difficult to sleep due to noise from drug houses across the street and continuous blaring. And when she and other residents manage to fall asleep, fireworks celebrating fresh batches of meth usually wake them up.  She adds that nurses don't feel safe going for walks, taking their dogs outside, or even standing on their decks because of stray bullets that might come their way.

Clinic shutting down-non urgent care

John-Michael Stevens, a doctor in Pelican Narrows, said the local health clinic is no longer providing non-urgent care because staff are too busy dealing with emergencies.  He added that fear is increasing among staff because there isn't enough security at the clinic and the number of intoxicated patients — many of whom are using crystal meth, which could lead to them being violent and unpredictable— coming into the clinic are increasing.

"There have been instances where staff have been threatened and staff involvement has been increasing and I know there's a mounting fear among staff of being victim to something," Stevens said. "We wouldn't want people to think that we're closing down as a statement. It's certainly for the safety of the staff and so that we can continue to provide emergency services to the community." Stevens has worked in Pelican Narrows for seven years and has felt safe for the majority of that time. He said gun violence started to rise in the community in mid-2022. "Fairly recently was the first time I actually [felt unsafe], when I left the clinic to walk up to my suite, which is not a very long walk, I felt compelled to look around, " Stevens said. "I really felt a strange sensation of I better just hurry because who knows there might be a bullet that's just that flies at the wrong time in the wrong place."

In an open letter to Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation Chief Karen Bird called for a multi-pronged approach around enhanced community safety and mental health supports, as well as additional nurses. 

After a year of remaining in a state of emergency, Bird said that the people of Pelican Narrows, which is one of eight communities that comprise Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation (PBCN), continue to feel vulnerable.  The nation covers more than 50,000 square kilometres and has more than 12,000 members.

"We need the right tools and gear to keep our health-care heroes and everyone else safe. We need law enforcement that's not just showing up after things go wrong but is really part of our community, keeping an eye out and keeping us safe," Bird said.  ​"We've reached out time and time again with plans and pleas detailed and clear, but the echoes of our cries for help have been met with silence."

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/pelican-narrows-alarm-unrelenti...

Saskatchewan Justice Michael Megaw ruled that "a court challenge can proceed over the Saskatchewan government's law requiring parental consent for children under 16 who want to change their names or pronouns at school".

Megaw says the applicant, UR Pride, a 2SLGBTQ+ group in Regina, should still be allowed to make its case surrounding the Charter of Rights and Freedoms even if the Charter's notwithstanding clause has been invoked. "UR Pride has recognized the claim here is in somewhat uncharted territory," Megaw wrote. "However, that UR Pride has a steep hill to climb in this regard does not mean it should not be given the opportunity to engage in the climb in an effort to illustrate that the incline can be conquered."

Megaw's decision allows UR Pride and the government to provide all their evidence and arguments before court. The judge can then decide his next steps. "We're relieved that the court has agreed that we need to be able to argue on behalf of gender-diverse students in the province and that the government's use of the notwithstanding clause doesn't limit our fight," said Bennett Jensen, the legal director at Egale Canada and co-counsel for UR Pride. Lawyers for UR Pride urged Megaw last month to allow the challenge, arguing the law passed by Premier Scott Moe's government limits the rights of gender-diverse youth who are entitled to a safe educational environment. ...

Lawyers for the government urged the judge to dismiss the challenge on the grounds the law doesn't breach the Charter and is in the best interest of gender-diverse children. The province has said the Charter wasn't breached because the government used the notwithstanding clause to enact the law.

The notwithstanding clause is a rarely used measure that lets governments override certain Charter rights for five years. Megaw said he's declining at this stage to consider the government's bid to have case deemed moot. "A difficult claim, a novel claim, or even a steep climb claim, is not analogous to a doomed claim," Megaw wrote. "There is no basis here to deny the applicant the opportunity to establish their claim."

The issue is set to head to court in late April or early May, Egale's Jensen said. Jensen said they will bring forward evidence to argue the policy is harmful and they are fighting for school safety. "This decision also stands for the principle that a government can't escape review from the courts about the constitutionality of their actions," Jensen said. Part of the argument relies on Section 12 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which protects people from cruel and unusual treatment or punishment, often used in regards to the penal system. Jensen said denying trans kids the right to be who they are, or outing them their parents without their consent, could fall under the "cruel and unusual treatment" aspect of Section 12.

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/judge-pronoun-challenge-ruli....

And, like Alberta and BC, northern leaders in Saskatchewan are already planning for the 2024 wildfire season, after the record-setting 2023 wildfire season found much more needed to be done as the climate crisis worsens across Canada. In 2023, 180,000 sqare kilometres burned in wildfires, an area 1.4 times the size of England.

Photo by Tina Pelletier. The PAGC Wildlife Task Force meets in Stanley Mission to begin planning for the 2024 wildfire season.

Northern leaders and wildfires experts met in Stanley Mission on Tuesday to prepare for what is expected to be a busy wildfire season.

The Prince Albert Grand Council (PAGC) Task Force includes First Nations leaders and wildfire experts. Task Force chair PAGC Grand Chief Brian Hardlotte said low snowfall levels in the north have created dry conditions, and created an imminent wildfire threat.

“The prospect of a warmer wildfire season, coupled with diminished snowfall, underscores the necessity for preventive action to ensure the well-being of our communities,” Hardlotte said in a press release. “The protection of our territories and our people is paramount, and we cannot afford to be reactive.”

The Canadian Forest Service has forecast an unusually warm beginning to the 2024 wildfire season, Hardlotte said, which necessitates a state of “high alert for 2024.”

The 2024 wildfire season resulted in several major evacuations and led to severe air quality degradation. Task Force member Senator Peter Beatty said northern wildfire fighters will be prepared for whatever the spring and summer throw at them.

“These men and women are not only well-trained and experienced, but ready to assist across provinces, reducing the need for international support,” Beatty said in a press release. “It’s time we acknowledge and utilize our homegrown talent to its fullest potential.”

Saskatchewan Public Safety Agency (SPSA) Vice-President of Operations Steven Roberts said the organization has pledged to work closely with the PAGC. He said they’ve learned from past years of heavy wildfire activity in the north, and are committed to community-driven wildfire management partnerships.

“We’re aiming to reinforce our defences and encourage community-led initiatives in wildfire management and prevention,” Roberts said in a press release. “Working with PAGC is crucial. Together, we will strengthen our defences against the wildfire threat.”

As of Oct. 19, the SPSA had responded to 493 wildfires in Saskatchewan, a number well above the five-year average of 388. More than 55 per cent of those fires were caused by humans, the SPSA reported. The fires forced evacuations in Buffalo Narrows, Ile a la Crosse, La Ronge, and Denare Beach.

Roughly 18 million hectares (180,000 square kilometres or 1.4 times the size of England) of land were engulfed during Canada’s last wildfire season.

 

The social conservatives are holding increasing power in determining what theSaskatchewan Party does and therefore Saskatchewan government policy is. Moe's purging of the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission is an example of the social conservative's power.

Since the founding of the Saskatchewan Party there has always existed festering pockets of resentment toward things like the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission (SHRC).

One of the very first resolutions the Sask. Party passed at its inaugural November 1997 convention was to completely disband the SHRC — established under the NDP in 1972, a quarter century after Tommy Douglas’s government made Saskatchewan the first jurisdiction in North America to pass a bill of rights.

At that first Sask. Party convention 27 years ago, there was an abundance of social conservative ideology — enough to pass the anti-SHRC resolution and others calling for chain gangs for prisoners and boot camps for young offenders. (Don’t bother to look for those resolutions, though. Just before the 2007 election, then leader Brad Wall had all such resolutions expunged.)

The historical reality of the Sask. Party — one it prefers not to talk about — is that it has always struggled to confine its uber-social conservative element to the corner of that big, free-enterprise party tent it pitched in 1997.

But as recently as 2016, the Wall government gave serious consideration to a law requiring girls under 18 years to have parental consent before having an abortion.

As reported by former StarPhoenix reporter Alex MacPherson, government documents concluded any bill would be fraught with multiple constitutional issues and “insurmountable” problems.

The bigger political problem for the Sask. Party is that such notions were simply not palatable to a vast majority of Saskatchewan voters — even among those who subscribe to the need for just one free-enterprise party to keep the NDP out of power.

Of course, that was at a time before the Sask. Party started catering to the policies of parties even further to the right.

In this post-COVID-19 world where right-wing radicalism jumps from social media silo to social media silo, Premier Scott Moe appears to have abandoned any notion of maintaining a somewhat centrist political brand.

Where Wall advocated some level of co-operation with the federal Liberal government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Moe’s immediate message upon grabbing the Sask. Party leadership six years ago warned “just watch me.”

Where Moe once relied on the medical guidance of chief medical health officer Dr. Saqib Shabab and the leadership of the Saskatchewan Health Authority to battle the COVID-19 pandemic, he later embraced the ‘wisdom’ of Nadine Ness and the Freedom Convoy organizers.

And where even Moe once consulted with more liberal thinkers in cabinet like Mark Docherty, Tina Beaudry-Mellor, Gordon Wyant and Don Morgan, he has elevated Trade and Investment Minister Jeremy Harrison, Education Minister Jeremy Cockrill and Justice Minister Bronwyn Eyre, who shepherded the pronoun bill through the legislature last fall. Those festering pockets of resentment now mingle freely in the Sask. Party tent. Perhaps this is why Eyre has found it necessary to stack the SHRC with Sask. Party partisans on what has always been an independent, non-partisan, quasi-judicial body.

After learning Eyre appointed a Sask. Party candidate to sit on the SHRC, we have now learned that one of her own Sask. Party constituency co-presidents has also been appointed.
These appointments were part of a purge of the SHRC in January that followed the board’s sharp criticism of the pronoun mandate and the resignation of well-respected human rights commissioners like Heather Kuttai. Moe called Kuttai’s resignation “perplexing,” but it now seems like just another step in the Sask. Party evolution under his watch.

Notwithstanding warnings of Bill 137’s harm from judges, lawyers, teachers, psychologists and others, Eyre insisted the social conservative legislation was necessary to “right the imbalance.” We all now know what that means, because it’s always meant the same thing. We just didn’t know this notion was now so all-pervasive in the Saskatchewan Party. After all, there was a time when the Sask. Party hierarchy actually fought against social conservatives hijacking the party and doing things like disbanding the human rights commission. Instead, the Sask. Party hierarchy is now hijacking the human rights commission.

https://leaderpost.com/opinion/letters/mandryk-human-rights

There are election law violation and misinformation questions arising about a "provocative anonymous website encouraging change for this fall’s Saskatoon civic election is linked to a former Saskatchewan Party candidate and a significant donor for the governing provincial party".

The website A Better YXE invites people to join “a group of concerned citizens who decided to start a grassroots movement,” but includes no names of the people involved other than Greater Saskatoon Consulting Inc.

A corporate registry search revealed Greater Saskatoon Consulting was incorporated by 2020 Saskatchewan Party candidate Rylund Hunter, a Saskatoon lawyer and businessman, who lost a close race to former NDP leader Ryan Meili for the Saskatoon Meewasin seat. The incorporator is the lawyer who submits the documents and may have no further involvement with the corporation. The non-profit corporation lists as its address the same address on Main Street in Saskatoon as the McDougall Gauley law firm, which named Hunter a partner in January. He’s described on the law firm’s website as a corporate commercial and real estate lawyer. The email address provided for the company in the corporate registry is also an address linked to the law firm, as is the submitter of the information, Adria Perrier. ...

McDougall Gauley donates to both of the province’s two main political parties, but far more to the Saskatchewan Party. In 2022, the law firm donated $7,760 to the Saskatchewan Party and $701.76 to the Saskatchewan New Democrats. In 2020, the last election year, McDougall Gauley donated $47,360 to the Saskatchewan Party and $10,000 to the NDP. ,,,

The Facebook page, which has more than 900 followers, attempts to stir controversy over council decisions and dabbles in misinformation. A post from September said council “put a homeless shelter in a suburb,” referring to the wellness centre near Fairhaven. That shelter is funded by the provincial government in a former church purchased by a provincial agency and run by the Saskatoon Tribal Council. Saskatoon city hall played no role in the decision to place the shelter there.

Another post from February that was circulated widely as a Facebook ad featured a quote from Coun. Cynthia Block taken from a TV interview she did last summer. The quote, taken out of context, suggests the 2023 budget was not in a deficit situation. Yet Block, who is considering running for mayor, was entirely correct. In fact, the city finished the 2023 budget year with a $10-million surplus. That failed to stop a barrage of ignorant people from responding to the post on Facebook with suggestions that Block was out of touch or somehow wrong. ...

A December post on the changing of the name of John A. Macdonald Road calls current Mayor Charlie Clark “cancel-culture Charlie.” Clark announced in January he will not seek a third term as mayor.

If this effort is connected to a campaign for city council, the spending on Facebook ads could violate election spending rules, which stipulate that expenses can only be incurred from June 1 to Dec. 15 in an election year.

Regardless of the motive behind the group, it suggests, at best, a divisive election lies ahead and, at worst, an ugly one.

https://thestarphoenix.com/opinion/columnists/phil-tank-saskatoon-electi...