Support the Ontario Education Workers Strike

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jerrym
Support the Ontario Education Workers Strike

The Ontario education workers strike is a foreshadowing of further attacks on workers' and other rights if the Ford and other Canadian governments is allowed to get away with it. Please support them by signing below, whether you live in Ontario or not. 

Ontario’s education workers are coming together with unions, parents, students, health care workers and other allies — from Ontario and across the country — to defy the Ford government’s anti-democratic, anti-worker, strikebreaking legislation. Premier Doug Ford’s attack on workers’ rights in Ontario is an attack on workers’ rights everywhere. We know you don’t live in Ontario, but we thought you might be interested in signing our solidarity statement and showing support for Ontario’s education workers.

URGENT: in an unprecedented attack on democracy, Premier Doug Ford and Education Minister Stephen Lecce invoked the notwithstanding clause to force unionized education workers back to work  for exercising their charter-protected rights to strike.[1] 

The right to strike, to withhold labour, is crucial to healthy democracies. But we know from the past four years the Ford government has little regard for workers and democracy. [2-4] Instead of sitting at the bargaining table and negotiating in good faith, Ford and Lecce are resorting to bullying tactics — and we can't let them get away with it. [5]

They're trying to pit parents against education workers by spreading false narratives about disruption of the school year. [6] But Gerald, we can't let him divide us. We have to show them that the majority of parents and the public stand with education workers and support their right to bargain for better working conditions — and their right to job action should bargaining fall through. 

They have forced the strike-breaking legislation through. But they've underestimated public backlash — and the collective power is building. A massive petition, signed by tens of thousands of us, will show CUPE they're not alone in this fight, and it could help counter Ford and Lecce's efforts to divide parents and education workers. Gerald, if you believe Ford and Lecce should drop their bullying tactics and return to the bargaining table in good faith, will you add your name to the solidarity statement? 
 

ADD YOUR NAME

Ontario's lowest-paid education workers are surviving off of $39,000 a year. With the spiralling cost of living, this isn't anywhere near enough to make ends meet. They're asking for a survivable wage increase. It's not a huge ask, especially considering the Ford government just gave 43 of its own MPPs a $16,000 raise, on top of their already six-figure salaries. [7] 

CUPE was still at the bargaining table, but the Ford government walked away — instead, they introduced strikebreaking legislation that is against the Charter of Rights and Freedoms to force education workers to work for precarious poverty wages and poor working conditions. [8]

They've done this before with Bill 124 — capping nurses' wages and forcing nurses to work in poor conditions. [9] It's why there's a huge nursing shortage in Ontario. They're intentionally doing the same thing with education workers. By underfunding public systems, they allow privatization to swoop in. 

But CUPE's fighting back and thousands have taken to the streets and picket lines. [10] They are refusing to succumb to Ford's and Lecce's bullying tactics and will continue to exercise their charter-protected right to job action. [11] We can't let them pick us off one by one and isolate public sector workers. 

If you support education workers' charter-protected rights to bargain and strike, will you sign the solidarity statement? 
 

ADD YOUR NAME

https://act.leadnow.ca/edu-workers-solidarity/

laine lowe laine lowe's picture

As I mentioned, Leadnow has made it difficult to sign their petition. I am using Opera as a browser and it seems to dislike it.

epaulo13

..signed

Doug Ford’s attack on workers is a Canadian tradition taken to new extremes

quote:

Back-to-work legislation: a Canadian tradition

The Ford government’s refusal to make significant concessions at the bargaining table led to an impasse in bargaining. The union had authorized and taken a strike vote, which passed with 96.5 percent support. After a series of other legal hurdles were addressed, the union declared that it would go on legal strike on Friday. 

Then, Ford’s government moved in a manner that has now become entirely predictable. It introduced sweeping back-to-work legislation. Since 1950, federal and provincial governments in Canada have used this legislative tool to end over 146 separate labour disputes. For labour relations scholars Leo Panitch and Donald Swartz, this move has become so familiar that they devised a concept — permanent exceptionalism — to describe these routine government actions.  For Panitch and Swartz, permanent exceptionalism represents a contradiction because all governments will continually portray the situation “as exceptional, temporary, or emergency-related, regardless of how frequently they occurred or the number of workers who fell within their scope or were threatened by their example.” 

quote:

The risks and rewards of defiance

In the short term, the union has no political or legal avenue to challenge the Ford government’s actions. The government was re-elected earlier in 2022 and will maintain its majority government well into 2026. The unions have no capacity to challenge this bill in court or to appeal to other labour relations actors.  Every institutional avenue has been slammed shut by this bill.

 Of course, for students of labour history, this is not the end of the issue. Throughout much of Canadian history, state law has been hostile to workers’ collective actions that threaten the economic or political status quo. Until the 1940s, workers were routinely victims to state coercion on the picket line.  While that history is long and complex, the labour movement of 2022 might start to think seriously about how it can address laws that treat workers as commodities in jobs that are undervalued and under-compensated.  

In the current context, CUPE must stare down punitive fines and even civil or criminal charges if it defies this legislation. Yet, that might be a gamble worth taking. In 1999, the Saskatchewan Union of Nurses faced similar legislation under the NDP government of the period. In that struggle, the nurses openly defied the government’s back-to-work bill and won a significant victory.  

In Ontario, OSBCU has indicated that it’s willing to continue the fight. The union says its members will walk off the job Friday and continue striking “until further notice,” unless the government reaches a deal through bargaining, not legislation. Other major unions in the province have told reporters that they may consider sympathy strikes or even a general strike.

quote:

A time for creative fightback

Beyond a courageous, and certainly risky, act of defiance, however, labour has some serious questions to address.  There is now no doubt that every public sector worker’s ability to bargain will be limited by back-to-work legislation if it threatens a government’s political or economic agenda.  Ford has now doubled down with the use of the Notwithstanding Clause, which will be watched closely by other Conservative governments as they enter their respective public sector negotiations.  If Ford is able to normalize the pre-emptive usage of Section 33, labour rights will be meaningless.  

To that end, labour must get creative. Labour bodies at the local, provincial, and national levels need to think about aiding public workers with rotating flying squads, to be financed by unused strike funds. Union retirees can become involved as strikers and picket captains. Union education can assist in building worker capacities to participate in peaceful protest in different struggles. Union solidarity can be expanded so that union members in workplaces not involved in direct action can lead picket lines in other workplaces victimized by back-to-work legislation, thus avoiding the punitive fines designed to cripple unions exercising their rights to strike. Union staff can be retrained to act as picketing coaches and captains to lead solidarity marches.  

Political strategies that build a fighting left will also need to be developed. Parties that want to align themselves with labour will need to act courageously or labour support will be withdrawn.  These, of course, are not new or novel solutions, nor is this an exhaustive list.  However, without creative thinking and bold action, labour will be seriously threatened. Doug Ford has moved the goalposts with his pre-emptive use of the Notwithstanding Clause and that means the law can always be side-stepped to trample workers’ basic rights......

epaulo13

Workers from multiple unions came together to rally against the Ford government’s denial of Charter rights in Toronto Tuesday. Photo: OSBCU

epaulo13

CUPE’s fight is as much about gender equity as it is about labour rights

quote:

While these critiques justifiably condemn the province for running roughshod over the constitutionally guaranteed right to association and other labour rights, they have generally neglected to highlight a critical element of the dispute – that most of the workers caught up in the Ford government’s machinations are women.

Women comprise more than 70 per cent of the 55,000 Canadian Union of Public Employees education support staff fighting for fair wages, including education assistants, library workers, administrative staff, custodians, early childhood educators and school safety staff.

The most recent proposal tabled by the government offered 2.5-per-cent pay increases to workers making less than $43,000 and 1.5-per-cent raises for others. According to CUPE, education workers have seen their wages decline in real terms by nearly 11 per cent in the past decade, with the average education worker earning only $39,000. This is about $3,000 short of what is considered a living wage in expensive cities like Toronto.

Workers report taking on additional employment during evenings and weekends on top of their full-time positions simply to make ends meet. Many are living paycheque to paycheque. Workers also contend that staff shortages because of cuts have increased the stress and requirements of their positions and that the demands of the sector often include unpaid work such as parent-teacher interviews.

The Ford government’s treatment of this women-dominated work force is far from an anomaly. In 2019, the province passed Bill 124, which caps wage increases for public-sector workers to 1-per-cent annually for three years. The public sector is dominated by women, and some areas, such as nursing, are about 90-per-cent women. Not only does this legislation unjustly prevent necessary wage increases, it exempts male-dominated public-sector professions such as firefighters and police......

epaulo13

Mobo2000

Good turnout on Saturday rally, and most schools had a small rally today during lunch hour... over 100 people outside my kids school just now.    Public support seems strong.

Mobo2000

Great news!   Ford is repealing Bill 28 and has confirmed that in writing and negotiations are back on.   Schools reopen tomorrow.   

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/cupe-strike-labour-board-ruling-e...

Education minister says Bill 28 will be repealed 'in its entirety'

jerrym

Mobo2000 wrote:

Great news!   Ford is repealing Bill 28 and has confirmed that in writing and negotiations are back on.   Schools reopen tomorrow.   

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/cupe-strike-labour-board-ruling-e...

Education minister says Bill 28 will be repealed 'in its entirety'


Fantastic! But let's see if there are real negotiations.

Mobo2000

Yes indeed.   

epaulo13

..good on cupe!

epaulo13

‘Birds of a feather’: Opposition criticize Ford’s quiet meeting with Hungary’s far-right head of state

Ontario’s opposition party leaders said it’s troubling that Premier Doug Ford quietly met with the president of Hungary’s far-right government, Katalin Novák, on Monday morning, just before the PCs introduced Bill 28Keeping Kids in School Act, using the controversial notwithstanding clause to override constitutional collective bargaining rights.

“I am very concerned that he had that meeting. I think that the authoritarian and anti-democratic approaches that have been taken in Hungary are ones we don’t want to see in Ontario,” said interim NDP Leader Peter Tabuns.

“It’s interesting that the premier would meet with the president of a country that is now considered an illiberal democracy — not upholding people’s rights — at the exact same time that the premier is taking away the charter rights of the lowest paid education workers in this province,” added Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner.

Novák is a close ally of authoritarian Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who nominated her for the presidency earlier this year. She was on a multi-day tour of Ontario to celebrate the province’s first Hungarian Heritage Month, which was spearheaded by a private member’s bill from PC MPP Rudy Cuzzetto.

One of her stops was Queen’s Park where she gathered with Ford, Finance Minister Peter Bethlenfalvy, Associate Mental Health Minister Michael Tibollo and Economic Development Minister Vic Fedeli.

Notably, no one from the federal government met with Novák while she was in Canada, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s office confirmed to Queen’s Park Today yesterday......

NDPP

THREAD: CUPE 'Did Not Walk Away From The Bargaining Table'

https://twitter.com/TheLawofWork/status/1589670612800192512

"Learning that Bill 28 was drafted 'long ago.' With Bill 28 repealed, we are back to the regular bargaining process. Right to strike back, duty to bargain in good faith."

epaulo13

..a multi union press realease. naming a large list of unions. very impressive! begins around the 55 min mark.

Ontario education workers’ union ends strike as Ford rescinds bill imposing contract

epaulo13

NDPP

Ontario Education Workers Rank-and-File Committee Opposes Unions' Shutting Down of School Support Strike, Charts Way Forward

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2022/11/08/onne-n08.html

"Who authorized OSBCU to call off our strike!? For a general strike to bring down the Ford government..."

epaulo13

Doug Ford says Ontario now has 'improved offer' for education workers

Ontario Premier Doug Ford says his government is ready to stop fighting with education workers and return to the negotiation table with an “improved offer” a day after promising to rescind legislation that took away their rights to strike.

Speaking at a news conference on Tuesday morning, Ford said he couldn’t get into details about what the new offer entailed, but said it was “improved…particularly for the lower-income workers.”

The premier also told reporters that he was “past the stage of fighting” with the union, adding that he would “love to see negotiations finish by the end of the week.”

"I don't want to fight. I just want the kids in school. That's what I want to do,” he said.

On Tuesday evening, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) provided an update on negotiations.

In a statement posted to Twitter, the union said that unconfirmed reports that an offer of 3.5 per cent and 2 per cent has passed were riddled with “multiple issues.”

Foremost, they said they had not received that offer as of Tuesday night.

“We will not accept a 2-tiered wage increase,” they continued. “Such an offer would fall short of what you, as workers, need to ratify a deal.”

The union says they have been clear in their expectations.

“We have been clear, a deal will be made that is a substantial flat rate increase, increases to funding to improve services that CUPE provides and improvement on working conditions.".....

epaulo13

Ontario: education workers’ struggle at crossroads

The struggle of 55,000 education workers in Ontario has shaken the province, created a crisis for the governing Tory Party and sharply revealed the dangers and possibilities we confront, as we build resistance in the face of the present cost of living crisis.

The challenges faced by education workers were set out very clearly in a recent article by David Bush. He showed how their wage levels and workplace conditions had been undermined over a long period and that this had been greatly compounded by the inflationary upsurge. In this harsh context, the workers and their union, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), were pressing for significant improvements.

quote:

Dramatic escalation

It was immediately apparent that the Conservative government and its Premier, Doug Ford, had miscalculated with their reckless use of such heavy handed tactics. Sections of the Canadian establishment were perturbed by the overriding of constitutional rights, even if the imposition of austerity on workers was to their liking. It also became rapidly clear that the anti-worker legislation was highly unpopular, as opinion polls indicated. A clear majority took the side of the education workers.

With a powerful mood to resist in evidence and, with other trade unions ready to offer Ontario strong support, a readiness to defy the legislation emerged. CUPE Ontario president, Fred Hahn, publicly declared that a province wide general strike was “absolutely a possibility.

By 6 November, as an alliance of unions developed plans for an escalating fightback, the media was talking in terms of ‘Mass protests and widespread disruption’ and suggesting that ‘multiple Canadian unions plan to take part in sympathetic strikes.’ It was reported that ‘The aim..was to bring the province to a standstill and apply maximum pressure on the Progressive Conservative government to repeal Bill 28.’ Though it was presented as an act of ‘protest,’ an indefinite ‘illegal’ strike, bolstered by a massive wave of solidarity actions, was about to be set in motion.

On 6 November, shortly before CUPE and its allies were about to hold a press conference to declare their precise intentions, Doug Ford made his own public announcement. Though he is an impeccably right wing Tory, Ford’s political behaviour is frequently erratic and he is not known for his intransigence in the face of serious challenge. Faced with formidable working class resistance, he demonstrated once again that he’s no Margaret Thatcher and that he most assuredly is for turning.

In an incredible display of political weakness, Ford declared that he would withdraw the legislation if CUPE would call off the strike and return to the bargaining table. His only cover for this retreat was the laughable assertion that his pressing concern was for “letting our kids back into their classroom.” With the assurance that this commitment would be put in writing, Laura Walton, president of CUPE’s Ontario School Board Council of Unions, announced that the workers would return to work, as negotiations resumed......

epaulo13

..more from above.

quote:

Moving forward

As serious as the suspension of the strike may be, a despondent sense that nothing has been gained and that all is lost is completely unjustified. It had long been widely believed that the Ontario Days of Action, the city wide strikes and mass protests that confronted the brutal austerity measures of the Tory government that held power during the 1990s, had become impossible to replicate under present conditions. Yet, the education workers, with their defiance, showed that this was far from the case. Powerful mass struggles are still possible and even inevitable.

Though the Ford Tories have been able to regain their equilibrium because of the calling off of the strike, they are hardly in robust condition. The balance of forces has needlessly been allowed to shift their way but not to a degree that will give them any great appetite for another confrontation with province’s trade unions in the near future.

The most pressing issue before us now is what the Ford government puts on the table when negotiations resume. If no serious offer is forthcoming and no basis exists for good faith bargaining, it will be essential that the strike resume without delay. If this doesn’t happen, the loss of real wages and deteriorating working conditions that were to have been obtained by Bill 28 will simply be achieved by less dramatic means. Delay, equivocation and needless compromise must be opposed at all costs.

quote:

Having the state determine when and how workers can fight back has always been a huge obstacle but in these crisis ridden times, with working class living standards under the most brutal assault, it has become an intolerable impediment. The Ontario education workers have posed the possibility of breaking out of these constraints so as to fight back in a way that corresponds to the needs of these times and the value of this is hard to overestimate.

epaulo13

..an important discussion.

A first post-pandemic political victory—hardly a ‘general strike that could have been’

The following article is a response to “The general strike that could have been” by Martin Schoots-McAlpine, published in Canadian Dimension on November 10, 2022.

quote:

Of leadership, bureaucracy and rank-and-file workers

A central argument in Schoots-McAlpine’s article centres around labour bureaucrats, and as a corollary, the relationship of the rank-and-file and activist components of unions to the leadership. He seems to say that the structure of the post-war labour-capital compromise—concretized in the Rand Formula, dues deduction, formalized dispute resolution, codification of the ban on in-contract strikes and critical solidarity activism—has created an environment where leaders are necessarily bureaucrats, unions become sclerotic, and real and ongoing struggle against employers is anomalous.

Certainly, the strictures placed on unions and the institutions of class struggle developed during the early days of industrial unionism are real constraints (although, in my years as a union shop floor rep in an auto plant, I can’t see how automatic dues deduction had anything to do with stopping or limiting regular and daily interaction with the membership. That is an academic myth). And, one would have to be from Mars not to see the degeneration and defeat of the trade unions in Canada and most of the Global North. But these constraints are not an “iron cage”—they are not the cause of the degeneration of the union movement. Class struggle approaches can be built and challenging those constraints (and working to eliminate them) is a key part of it. During the 1950s and early-1960s there were waves of wildcat strikes across the auto sector in Windsor and throughout southern Ontario over working conditions and the union leadership didn’t try to smash them.

Theses struggles were a weekly occurrence in my early years working on the auto assembly line, and when I became a union rep, we (I wasn’t the only one) organized all kinds of creative and participatory forms of collective resistance. I’ve had many conversations with old timers from that earlier period and with the late Canadian Auto Workers President Bob White, about how the union has to, and can and did, challenge those constraints.

There are bureaucrats and there are leaders. Sometimes those leaders have too much power, and sometimes they actually lead the ranks and secondary leadership through education, mobilization, ideology and democracy. What is missing in the past decades are socialists (what used to be called communists) working in and around workplaces and in unions to develop a class struggle approach and understanding with their co-workers while providing real leadership.

Schoots-McAlpine argues that regardless of the intentions (or even the ideological orientation) of leaders, their lifestyle, distance from the ranks, and their integration into the structures of state regulation, they are necessarily co-opted into a partnership approach with the bosses. Even more, they are supported by the most privileged and well-off section of their sectors and unions. There is a certain truth to this, of course.

But the big question here is what is the role of the masses of members, the rank-and-file and lower-level leadership? The implication is that they are essentially or naturally militant and want to collectively take on the boss and the state.

What experience does Schoots-McAlpine have to base this perspective on? In fact, it is not true. Rank-and-file workers reflect contradictory points of view and, in a context of employer power, the material dependence that workers have on their employers for their livelihoods (without unions or political movements limiting that dependence), union weakness and refusal to take up everyday workplace struggles, lack of socialists to provide a radical pole of references and a leadership that is all too often bureaucratic, why would they miraculously reflect a militant and radical perspective? And how could one who is passionately concerned with building class struggle unions—as the author of this article clearly is—not know this?

How would the author’s analysis explain the phenomenon of working class leaders who did come up through the ranks and made a difference, such as Jean-Claude Perot, Bob White, JP Hornick, or Madeline Parent—leaders that provided education, mobilization and bold challenges to employers and governments at critical times?

The bottom line is that this kind of a perspective reflects a very mechanistic, abstract, and academic reading of the realities of class struggle. Slogans about class conflict, bureaucracy, and the Rand Formula don’t really guide many of these folks on how to put these critically important concepts into reality—in ways that undermine bureaucracy, challenge employers, and build the understanding of unionized and non-unionized workers alike. If workers had this understanding already, they would be challenging the agreement for CUPE to go back to the bargaining table, pushing for a general strike, and calling for a political movement arguing for the demands that Schoots-McAlpine legitimately calls for on their own. But calling for general strike plans to go ahead anyway avoids the necessary education, organization, and strategizing that socialists and radical activists in and around the union movement must bring to either force or help leaders create opportunities to make it happen. Schoots-McAlpine leaves no place for it to happen......

epaulo13

..more from above

quote:

A word on general strikes

We have experience with general strikes, and Schoots-McAlpine’s take on the potential action that was shot down doesn’t fit with these collective experiences. While there are examples of the BC Solidarity Movement against Social Credit, or resistance to Scott Walker in Wisconsin, we have a more direct experience with the Ontario Days of Action in the mid-1990s—the one-day general strikes against the Mike Harris PC steamroller that attacked all levels of the working class, starting with welfare recipients.

There isn’t much space to go over this here, but there are some key lessons that directly refute the call to continue the general strike plans made by Shoots-McAlpine. In the 1990s, the Ontario Federation of Labour was unable to create a real unlimited general strike: many workers had voted for Harris and needed to have their opinions changed; a number of unions refused to strike against their employers; and some union locals were too conservative to participate. On the other hand, a number of the ‘bureaucrats’ were pushed by the social and anti-poverty movements and some of the activist layers in the union movement, and knew that employers needed to be shut down to have any real effect. But, to make it work, the unions had to create or call on trained militants, going to different workplaces and locals in each community, doing education to convince them to oppose Harris, support the larger working class, and vote to support the strikes in their communities. These were organized in partnership with locally based social movement organizations and activists.

The one day strikes eventually petered out into a series of demonstrations, and the tenuous unity built between the unions and the unions and community organizations broke down. There was no left political movement to build and do the education necessary to let it continue—or to create a socialist political alternative, even in the face of a then-discredited Bob Rae-led NDP. Yet, even after it ended, there were those denouncing the ‘bureaucrats’ for sabotaging a movement for an unlimited general strike—which was not going to happen, regardless of whether the leaders called for one or not.

Is this happening now? Were the union leaders planning to develop this kind of strategic approach? Where was the left in working to make this happen? If, according to this article, the bureaucrats were so desperate to maintain labour peace, why would you rely on them to do the things necessary to organize a general strike now?

And, of course, the main issue was not to change the Ford government’s larger political agenda all in one go, but to defend the right of the CUPE local to bargain, build support amongst the larger working class for their demands and opposition to the government, and force Ford to back off. That was the initial step in this ongoing war and workers mobilized around it and won.

Workers celebrated, but the struggle continues. The education necessary to eventually organize more widespread, radical, and concerted actions still needs to be done within unions, locals, and communities in the education, health care, and other sectors. Is the author of this article willing to contribute to this, or would he prefer to sit on the sidelines and criticize the main protagonists?

Slamming unions for failing to call a general strike that no one will show up for, anyway, is not what the current moment calls for.